Senators were mainly curious to know what the Sri Lankan issue is all about.
Former Ambassador’s View (the person with most credible views in the eyes of the senators)
1. Had a positive view about Sri Lanka and seeing the end of the conflict.
2. Stated that US has no strategic interest in Sri Lanka (good news for Sri Lankans and bad news for Ranil Wickramasinghe who wanted to create an international safety net against LTTE).
3. Stated that LTTE has no interest in peace, withdrew from peace efforts, killed moderate Tamils, killed Tamils who wanted peace.
4. Stated that US has no leverage in Sri Lanka because there is no military aid or economic aid given to SL from US.
5. Stated that it is just a help we can lend to make SL peaceful and prosperous, nothing else.
HRW as expected talked very negatively about Sri Lanka. At the same time they stated that LTTE was shooting and killing civilians trying to leave the conflict zone. Anna Neistat said that LTTE was committing war crimes. Her other focus was the resettlement of civilians. She wanted to take the issues to UN. She also said that China and Russia are likely veto such moves. Also she said that China and Russia cannot block what UNHCR will be talking about and they have to get it going soon.
CPJ as expected talked lots about journalist and how scared they are in Sri Lanka. Bob Dietz talked a lot about Lasantha Wickramathunge’s demise. Bob Dietz suggested granting them refugee status in the west. The journalists who spoke to Bob were pessimistic about seeing an end to the conflict soon.
Dick Lugar was the only senator who had some idea and had a favorable view of Sri Lanka.
End of the day, if anything, LTTE yielded no positive image from the hearings. It only reinforced the negative side of LTTE. At minimum, all the writing we did may have nullified what the terrorist supporters wrote. The other important thing the committee heard was that President Rajapakse and his military campaign against LTTE is enormously popular among Sri Lankans. The committee heard it loud and clear that President Rajapakse is executing the peoples will of defeating terrorism in Sri Lanka. The committee also learned that the only leverage they have is in future money they are going to "lend" for rehabilitation of the conflict zone through World Bank and ADB. The also learned that they may have some leverage through Japan.
Perhaps, we should get somebody like Palitha Kohana to talk to HRW and CPJ next time. Furthermore, their activists should be highly scrutinized for any connections with LTTE. Most importantly we should find our friends who do not try to impose their will on us (this is something we should really work on). It was such a great feeling to learn through HRW and CPJ that the west has not got lot of leverage in Sri Lanka. My guess is that US senate will not do a thing since they have many other strategically important issues in hands to solve these days.
Tuesday, February 24, 2009
A Large Fleet of Low-Cost Propeller Driven WW-II Fighter Planes for Coastal Defence
The purpose of these P51 Mustang fighter planes would be for low-tech warfare; not for opposing the state-of-the-art airforces of other countries. They are perfect for shooting down Zlins, patrolling the sea coast, taking out gun/ammunition smuggling vessels, and for close air support against troops, trucks and guns, and destroying earthbund fortifications. They served these same purposes during WW-II in addition to protecting bomber formations against German fighters during bombing runs over Nazi Germany.
Pilots were trained in as few as 4-months for flying P51 single-engined fighter planes during WW-II. These planes were superb highly maneuverable long-range planes that were used to escort bombers over Germany and shoot down attacking Me109 and FW-190 German fighters. Training a pilot to fly a P51 at slow speeds is not as difficult as training a jet fighter pilot...reaction time limits are much longer. Training pilots would not be a big problem.
The most serious new type of threat they would face would be from shoulder fired rocket-propelled SAMs (e.g., Russian Sagger-type, and US Stinger-type) travelling at high speed, that are available even to the LTTE only in very limited numbers. The SAMs can be confused by a variety of counter measures that can be deployed from P51s also. The tight turning radius of a P51 can be used to avoid SAMs which cannot turn as fast at their high speeds; this is not possible with jet fighters which largely depend on high-speed to outrun the SAMs, and on countermeasures to divert the SAM homing sensors.
Obviously, it is not the best, safest, state of the art solution. An advanced VTOL aircraft, such as a British/US Harrier, that can fly at both high and low speeds, can hover in one place, can liftoff and land vertically on small field, and has state-of-the-art countermeasures would be the way to go, if we had the funds. My idea is only an affordable solution for a poor country; a solution that would allow us to deploy the hundreds of aircraft needed to maintain a intensive detect-and-destroy coverage everywhere.
The low cost of these planes is a great advantage. Just imagine, 150 planes can be bought for, say $2,000,000, which is much less than the price of one Harrier. We can use 50 of those planes for spare parts, and fly the remaining 100 forever, until Sri Lanka becomes rich enough to afford better weapons. In the post war period, this solution will allow us to tightly protect our coast and territorial waters. We can refurbish and use LTTE's airstrips for this purpose as regional airfields close to the field of action.
Another idea would be to develop a similar low cost fleet of sea-planes with either a boat-like fuselage, or two independent floats in addition to wheels, for landing on water surfaces. These planes can land in the ocean near ports when the sea is calm, or land in lagoons or in our inland tanks/ reservoirs. The sea-planes with floats can be P51 mustangs, with the undercarriage permanently extended and wheels and floats incorporated as a single unit to allow landing on either land or water. Such a modified P51, of course, would not be able to fly at the high speed of one without modification, because of the extra drag of the extended undercarriage. That is the trade off.
These ideas can be combined to provide a low cost mix of planes to meet our security needs, and would complement the more advanced jet fighter force of the SLAF.
December 31, 2008 8:40
Pilots were trained in as few as 4-months for flying P51 single-engined fighter planes during WW-II. These planes were superb highly maneuverable long-range planes that were used to escort bombers over Germany and shoot down attacking Me109 and FW-190 German fighters. Training a pilot to fly a P51 at slow speeds is not as difficult as training a jet fighter pilot...reaction time limits are much longer. Training pilots would not be a big problem.
The most serious new type of threat they would face would be from shoulder fired rocket-propelled SAMs (e.g., Russian Sagger-type, and US Stinger-type) travelling at high speed, that are available even to the LTTE only in very limited numbers. The SAMs can be confused by a variety of counter measures that can be deployed from P51s also. The tight turning radius of a P51 can be used to avoid SAMs which cannot turn as fast at their high speeds; this is not possible with jet fighters which largely depend on high-speed to outrun the SAMs, and on countermeasures to divert the SAM homing sensors.
Obviously, it is not the best, safest, state of the art solution. An advanced VTOL aircraft, such as a British/US Harrier, that can fly at both high and low speeds, can hover in one place, can liftoff and land vertically on small field, and has state-of-the-art countermeasures would be the way to go, if we had the funds. My idea is only an affordable solution for a poor country; a solution that would allow us to deploy the hundreds of aircraft needed to maintain a intensive detect-and-destroy coverage everywhere.
The low cost of these planes is a great advantage. Just imagine, 150 planes can be bought for, say $2,000,000, which is much less than the price of one Harrier. We can use 50 of those planes for spare parts, and fly the remaining 100 forever, until Sri Lanka becomes rich enough to afford better weapons. In the post war period, this solution will allow us to tightly protect our coast and territorial waters. We can refurbish and use LTTE's airstrips for this purpose as regional airfields close to the field of action.
Another idea would be to develop a similar low cost fleet of sea-planes with either a boat-like fuselage, or two independent floats in addition to wheels, for landing on water surfaces. These planes can land in the ocean near ports when the sea is calm, or land in lagoons or in our inland tanks/ reservoirs. The sea-planes with floats can be P51 mustangs, with the undercarriage permanently extended and wheels and floats incorporated as a single unit to allow landing on either land or water. Such a modified P51, of course, would not be able to fly at the high speed of one without modification, because of the extra drag of the extended undercarriage. That is the trade off.
These ideas can be combined to provide a low cost mix of planes to meet our security needs, and would complement the more advanced jet fighter force of the SLAF.
December 31, 2008 8:40
Unitary & Federal State Forms of Government
The terms unitary state and a federal state have different, highly significant, legal implications with respect to their constitutions and the power of the central government.Most important are: a unitary state may abolish a constituent sub-state entity, and upgrade or degrade its powers without agreement of the sub-state entity. In a federal state, the central government is not empowered to do so.
That is why, that Sri Lanka insists on being a unitary state as opposed to a federal state.
On the other hand, a united state, has no such specific connotation, and may refer either to a unitary state, or to a federal state. In that case, you have to look at the country's constitution to determine whether it is in fact a unitary or federal state.
It is interesting to note here, that the US Civil war was waged to prevent the Confederate states from seceding in what was a federal union of states! So, ultimately might prevails over constitutional law.
From: Wikipedia.org
A UNITARY STATE:
A unitary state is a state whose three organs of state are governed constitutionally as one single unit, with one constitutionally created legislature.
The political power of government in such states may well be transferred to lower levels, to national, regional or local elected assemblies, governors and mayors (devolved government), but the central government retains the principal right to recall such delegated power (e.g. the period when Farum Municipality was ruled by the Danish Government for a time, or the era of direct rule in Northern Ireland by the United Kingdom's central government in London from 1973 to 2007).
The designation unitary state contrasts with federal state. In a unitary state, any sub-governmental units can be created or abolished, and have their powers varied, by the central government. The process in which sub-government units and/or national or regional parliaments are created by a central government is known as devolution. A unitary state can broaden and narrow the functions of such devolved governments without formal agreement from the affected bodies.
A FEDERAL STATE:
In federal systems, by contrast, assemblies in those states composing the federation have a constitutional existence and a set of constitutional functions which cannot be unilaterally changed by the central government. In some such cases, such as in the United States, it is the federal government that has only those powers expressly delegated to it.
Most states in the world have a unitary system of government. Many federal states also have unitary lower levels of government. Thus while the United States itself is federal, the U.S. states are themselves unitary, with counties and other municipalities having only the authority given (devolved) to them by the state constitution or legislature.
The devolved powers and laws of the subnational entity may be overridden, or the entity's law-making power curtailed, by an ordinary law of the national government, or by a simple decision of the head of government. The United Kingdom is a good example of this: Scotland has a wide degree of autonomous law-making power, but there is no right for Scotland to challenge the constitutionality of UK national legislation, and laws of Scotland can be overridden, and the powers of the Scottish parliament revoked or reduced, by an act of the national parliament or a decision of the Prime Minister. In the case of Northern Ireland, the devolved powers of the region have been suspended by a simple government decision on several occasions. Thus, the UK is still a unitary state, despite superficially appearing somewhat like a federal state in practice.
Devolution (like federation) may be symmetrical (all regions having the same powers and status) or asymmetric (regions varying in their powers and status). UK devolution is asymmetric.
A UNITED STATE:
United is used in a countries name, when any number of states or regions are combines to make a united Country. Countries with united in their name include:
Examples:
1. United States of America (USA/ U.S./ United States) - A federal state
2. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK/ United Kingdom) - A unitary state
January 24, 2009 1:32 PM
Tamils must ask for what is reasonable and accept their role in the conflict
by S. Rasalingam
One of the important, and valid messages contained in Satheesan Kumaran's message, published in the Midweek review if The Island of 20th February is that we need bridge-building among the different communities. But he observes it in the breach.
Hurling accusations does not help. He claims, "The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka between the Sinhalese and Tamil-speaking has been a creation by the Sinhala leaders". Then Kumaran proceeds to attack Theravada Buddhism, and gives advice to Buddhist monks. He says "Irresponsible words of politicians in Colombo will only add fuel to the flames of destruction engulfing Sri Lanka politically, economically, militarily, culturally and socially, rather than educate communities on the importance of co-existence." He goes onto claim "what Sri Lankan politicians really want is to create a society of voiceless citizens remote-controlled by a bunch of politicians."
Surely, such voiceless citizens already live in the Vanni and how did that come about? We Tamils have not understood how we dug our own graves.
Kumaran says, "A national consensus can only be achieved when the Sinhalese embrace the minorities and win their hearts and minds". Here again it seems that only the Sinhalese have to act. Don't we Tamils have to also act to reassure the majority?
As an aging Tamil who has observed Tamil-Sinhala politics since the 1940s, I cringe to see the continued repetition of simplified and historically incorrect hurling of accusation, even by a man who recognizes the need for building bridges between communities. People of Kumaran's generation do not know that politicians like D. S. Senanayake (DS) tried to create a "Ceylonese" nation.
Much false propaganda has been generated and good men like DS have been besmirched. People like Ponnambalam Ramanathan, in collusion with Governor Maitland introduced the principle of "communal representation" in the legislative process. Some Sinhala leaders rejected this ("Ramanathan's deception"), and then came the Donoughmore commission which proposed Universal Franchise.
Surely, it was a defining moment when the Colombo Tamil leaders decided that their dominant position would be threatened, unless they separated themselves from the Sinhalese, and call for a separate identity. G. G. Ponnambalam (GGP) in the State Council in 1934 declared that he was "a proud Dravidian" and rejected the "Ceylonese" concept of a polity of a single people. Natesan and others followed suit, as a reading of the political history of the times will reveal. Ponnambalam lent his voice to a movement which began to attack Sinhala Buddhists, and the Mahavamsa, their famed historical chronicle. Should I remind Mr. Kumaran that the first Sinhala-Tamil Riot occurred in 1939, in Navalapitiya, and spread to Passara, Maskeliya and to many other towns, when the Colonial government stepped in and stamped it out?
The riot was sparked by the inflammatory racist speech of GGP in Navalapitiya, attacking the Sinhala Buddhists and the Mahavamsa (see The Hindu Organ, June 1, 1939 and other newspapers of the time). It was then that S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike (SWRD) saw an opportunity, and went to every one of the cities touched by the riots, and established branches of the Sinhala Maha Sabha (see The Hindu Organ, June 19, 1939). It was in this extremely heated atmosphere that GGP developed his fifty-fifty solution as a means of safeguarding the dominant position of the Tamils. Far from bridging the gap between the communities, every action of GGP was designed to drive this "difference" between the Tamils - descendants of the Dravidians, and the Sinhalese, a "hybrid mongrel race split of from the aboriginal Tamils and mixed with Aryan invaders" (as stated by GGP in Navalapitiya in 1939).
The racism of the GGP et al was matched by the SWRD group. It would seem that SWRD the feudal aristocrat, and GGP the caste-conscious Catholic lawyer, were both power-hungry manipulators of the people for further their own interests. The elder statesmen of the times, i.e., Baron Jayatilleke, D. S. Senanayake (DS), Mahadeva etc. charted a reasonably non-communalist line.
DS in particular realized that public confrontations would be a grave obstacles to independence and bridge-building between the communities. When the Soulbury commission arrived, Senanayake managed to get the "Young Turks" like SWRD and others not to appear before Soulbury, and imposed a formal boycott while making room for informal contacts. GGP however appeared before the Soulbury commission and whenever possible for three months, claiming that the Tamils were being discriminated against in jobs, education, health, colonization settlements, etc. He even objected to the declaration of Anuradhapura as an archaeological conservation area as an act of discrimination. The Soulbury Commissioners rejected virtually all of GGP's claims as being without foundation. It rejected the 50-50 demand, i.e., equal number of seats to the 12% Tamils and 75% Sinhalese as an attempt to subvert democracy.
The Sinhala leaders refrained from public confrontation with GGP during the Soulbury period, and this led to a sense of healing between the communities. The state council approved the Soulbury proposals overwhelmingly. GGP leading the Tamil Congress(TC), as well as SWRD and other Sinhala nationalists joined the DS cabinet which believed in the "ceylonese" concept (see Senanayake's Acceptance Speech in the Hansard 1947).
Meanwhile, dark clouds were gathering. The ultra-nationalist Tamil wing led by S. J. V. Chelvanayakam (SJV) was not happy. They grumbled about GGP's approach, and proposed that instead of 50-50, the Tamils must pursue the "Two-Nation" concept, where the Tamils are equal to, and distinct from the Sinhalese. SJV said that Tamils should pursue their separate destiny. The opportunity to break from GGP arose with the Indian Citizenship Act. Most Ceylonese leaders and the Colonial government had become worried that the Indian Tamil workers and the Estate sector would fall into the hands of the Marxists who had began militant agitations. The new citizenship act required that only persons with seven years of residency could become citizens and vote in elections, thus eliminating transients. GGP and most other Tamils voted for it. But SJV declared that GGP was a "traitor" to the Tamil cause and used the moment to create the Tamil Arasu Kachchi. SJV contended that the Citizenship Act violated minority rights, and challenged it, and the government, in the courts, and in the Privy Council in London. The unequivocal judgments were that there has been no discrimination before or after the Act, and that the citizenship requirements were as reasonable as in the most liberal European states at the time.
Nevertheless, the Arasu Kachchi kept on agitating, determined to drive a wedge between the two communities, i.e., even among the anglicized Colombo citizens. I have attended meetings in Jaffna where the Arasu Kachchi talked of a separate Tamil nation, while in Colombo they sounded moderate and talked of federalism. A golden opportunity for the Arasu Kachchi arrived with the election of SWRD as PM. SWRD was a politician who recognized the rights of minorities, and an accommodation could have been easily reached with him. But the Arasu Kachchi's public position in Jaffna was well known to the Sinhala nationalists who had deep distrust of SJV, E.M.V. Naganathan and others. If there is no trust, there can be no political Pact.
It is easy to blame the "Buddhist monks" for the failure of the Banda- Chelva Pact. But what did this Banda-Chelva Pact ask for? It asked for Tamil administrative regions in the North and East. At that time, just as today, the East involved Muslims and Sinhalese and Tamils. The Muslims opposed the Banda-Chelva Pact. The Sinhalese in the East opposed the B-C pact. The Arasu Kachchi had done NOTHING to build bridges between the two communities and win their confidence. Instead, they used every opportunity to confront the Singhalese. Ponnambalam and the TC also opposed the B-C Pact.
The B-C pact was NOT based on discrimination. It was based on the "Homeland Concept". It asked for the same 2/3 coastal area and land area as a "homeland" for the Tamils (12% of the population) that the LTTE today is asking for. If the Arasu Kachchi had only asked for the Northern province and if its leaders had reassured the Sinhalese and Muslims, the B-C Pact would have had some chance of survival.
If the proposed B-C pact had actually got enacted, the Sinhala nationalists would have demanded the Tamils living in Weallawatai and Kottachenai to leave. The 1983 Black July would have happened decades earlier.
I have began from the Donoughmore Era and reviewed the history to indicate to young people like Satheesan Kumaran that the story is not black and white, with the Sinhalese doing all the bad things and "creating the ethnic divide", while the Tamils meekly performed "satyagraha" to win their rights both sides have been at fault.
The Tamils in the Vanni and other areas are not like their caste conscious counterparts in, whose only desire has been to retain their political power, and rule the North as absent landlords. The Vanni Tamils ("Malabars" in the language of the 1815 Kandyan Treaty, and also in Cleghorn's report to the Colonial office), like the Singhalese, have a lot in common as our religion, social organization and language are very similar to that of the Sinhalese people. Although GGP and SJV attempted to emphasize differences, these are the same stock of people with mere superficial differences.
The LTTE is a creation of the elitist Colombo Tamils who decided to use the lower caste "boys" in far-flung areas to promote their misguided political struggle making our children mere cannon fodder. Meanwhile, their children, kith and kin have gone abroad and continue to finance a psychopath who has eliminated out teachers, our kurukals, writers, journalists, political leaders and thinkers, so as to create a subservient society toeing his line with no questions asked, in the name of Eelam.
So, Kumaran what is there to be negotiated?
Kumaran is proposing conflict resolution via negotiations. As Anton Balasingham once stated, "Only the borders remain to be negotiated". It should not be forgotten that the Arasu Kachchi, while talking of Gandhian methods, secretly supported the creation of young militant groups. SJV personally met and worked with Sivakumaran, who was the first to commit suicide by swallowing cyanide.
I am sorry to say that the Tamil leaders of the 1930s, and then the ultra-nationalist activism of the SJV platform have been largely responsible for the plight of the Tamils today. Blaming the Sinhalese for all our ills won’t do. We need to soften our acrimonious uncompromising stand.
One of the important, and valid messages contained in Satheesan Kumaran's message, published in the Midweek review if The Island of 20th February is that we need bridge-building among the different communities. But he observes it in the breach.
Hurling accusations does not help. He claims, "The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka between the Sinhalese and Tamil-speaking has been a creation by the Sinhala leaders". Then Kumaran proceeds to attack Theravada Buddhism, and gives advice to Buddhist monks. He says "Irresponsible words of politicians in Colombo will only add fuel to the flames of destruction engulfing Sri Lanka politically, economically, militarily, culturally and socially, rather than educate communities on the importance of co-existence." He goes onto claim "what Sri Lankan politicians really want is to create a society of voiceless citizens remote-controlled by a bunch of politicians."
Surely, such voiceless citizens already live in the Vanni and how did that come about? We Tamils have not understood how we dug our own graves.
Kumaran says, "A national consensus can only be achieved when the Sinhalese embrace the minorities and win their hearts and minds". Here again it seems that only the Sinhalese have to act. Don't we Tamils have to also act to reassure the majority?
As an aging Tamil who has observed Tamil-Sinhala politics since the 1940s, I cringe to see the continued repetition of simplified and historically incorrect hurling of accusation, even by a man who recognizes the need for building bridges between communities. People of Kumaran's generation do not know that politicians like D. S. Senanayake (DS) tried to create a "Ceylonese" nation.
Much false propaganda has been generated and good men like DS have been besmirched. People like Ponnambalam Ramanathan, in collusion with Governor Maitland introduced the principle of "communal representation" in the legislative process. Some Sinhala leaders rejected this ("Ramanathan's deception"), and then came the Donoughmore commission which proposed Universal Franchise.
Surely, it was a defining moment when the Colombo Tamil leaders decided that their dominant position would be threatened, unless they separated themselves from the Sinhalese, and call for a separate identity. G. G. Ponnambalam (GGP) in the State Council in 1934 declared that he was "a proud Dravidian" and rejected the "Ceylonese" concept of a polity of a single people. Natesan and others followed suit, as a reading of the political history of the times will reveal. Ponnambalam lent his voice to a movement which began to attack Sinhala Buddhists, and the Mahavamsa, their famed historical chronicle. Should I remind Mr. Kumaran that the first Sinhala-Tamil Riot occurred in 1939, in Navalapitiya, and spread to Passara, Maskeliya and to many other towns, when the Colonial government stepped in and stamped it out?
The riot was sparked by the inflammatory racist speech of GGP in Navalapitiya, attacking the Sinhala Buddhists and the Mahavamsa (see The Hindu Organ, June 1, 1939 and other newspapers of the time). It was then that S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike (SWRD) saw an opportunity, and went to every one of the cities touched by the riots, and established branches of the Sinhala Maha Sabha (see The Hindu Organ, June 19, 1939). It was in this extremely heated atmosphere that GGP developed his fifty-fifty solution as a means of safeguarding the dominant position of the Tamils. Far from bridging the gap between the communities, every action of GGP was designed to drive this "difference" between the Tamils - descendants of the Dravidians, and the Sinhalese, a "hybrid mongrel race split of from the aboriginal Tamils and mixed with Aryan invaders" (as stated by GGP in Navalapitiya in 1939).
The racism of the GGP et al was matched by the SWRD group. It would seem that SWRD the feudal aristocrat, and GGP the caste-conscious Catholic lawyer, were both power-hungry manipulators of the people for further their own interests. The elder statesmen of the times, i.e., Baron Jayatilleke, D. S. Senanayake (DS), Mahadeva etc. charted a reasonably non-communalist line.
DS in particular realized that public confrontations would be a grave obstacles to independence and bridge-building between the communities. When the Soulbury commission arrived, Senanayake managed to get the "Young Turks" like SWRD and others not to appear before Soulbury, and imposed a formal boycott while making room for informal contacts. GGP however appeared before the Soulbury commission and whenever possible for three months, claiming that the Tamils were being discriminated against in jobs, education, health, colonization settlements, etc. He even objected to the declaration of Anuradhapura as an archaeological conservation area as an act of discrimination. The Soulbury Commissioners rejected virtually all of GGP's claims as being without foundation. It rejected the 50-50 demand, i.e., equal number of seats to the 12% Tamils and 75% Sinhalese as an attempt to subvert democracy.
The Sinhala leaders refrained from public confrontation with GGP during the Soulbury period, and this led to a sense of healing between the communities. The state council approved the Soulbury proposals overwhelmingly. GGP leading the Tamil Congress(TC), as well as SWRD and other Sinhala nationalists joined the DS cabinet which believed in the "ceylonese" concept (see Senanayake's Acceptance Speech in the Hansard 1947).
Meanwhile, dark clouds were gathering. The ultra-nationalist Tamil wing led by S. J. V. Chelvanayakam (SJV) was not happy. They grumbled about GGP's approach, and proposed that instead of 50-50, the Tamils must pursue the "Two-Nation" concept, where the Tamils are equal to, and distinct from the Sinhalese. SJV said that Tamils should pursue their separate destiny. The opportunity to break from GGP arose with the Indian Citizenship Act. Most Ceylonese leaders and the Colonial government had become worried that the Indian Tamil workers and the Estate sector would fall into the hands of the Marxists who had began militant agitations. The new citizenship act required that only persons with seven years of residency could become citizens and vote in elections, thus eliminating transients. GGP and most other Tamils voted for it. But SJV declared that GGP was a "traitor" to the Tamil cause and used the moment to create the Tamil Arasu Kachchi. SJV contended that the Citizenship Act violated minority rights, and challenged it, and the government, in the courts, and in the Privy Council in London. The unequivocal judgments were that there has been no discrimination before or after the Act, and that the citizenship requirements were as reasonable as in the most liberal European states at the time.
Nevertheless, the Arasu Kachchi kept on agitating, determined to drive a wedge between the two communities, i.e., even among the anglicized Colombo citizens. I have attended meetings in Jaffna where the Arasu Kachchi talked of a separate Tamil nation, while in Colombo they sounded moderate and talked of federalism. A golden opportunity for the Arasu Kachchi arrived with the election of SWRD as PM. SWRD was a politician who recognized the rights of minorities, and an accommodation could have been easily reached with him. But the Arasu Kachchi's public position in Jaffna was well known to the Sinhala nationalists who had deep distrust of SJV, E.M.V. Naganathan and others. If there is no trust, there can be no political Pact.
It is easy to blame the "Buddhist monks" for the failure of the Banda- Chelva Pact. But what did this Banda-Chelva Pact ask for? It asked for Tamil administrative regions in the North and East. At that time, just as today, the East involved Muslims and Sinhalese and Tamils. The Muslims opposed the Banda-Chelva Pact. The Sinhalese in the East opposed the B-C pact. The Arasu Kachchi had done NOTHING to build bridges between the two communities and win their confidence. Instead, they used every opportunity to confront the Singhalese. Ponnambalam and the TC also opposed the B-C Pact.
The B-C pact was NOT based on discrimination. It was based on the "Homeland Concept". It asked for the same 2/3 coastal area and land area as a "homeland" for the Tamils (12% of the population) that the LTTE today is asking for. If the Arasu Kachchi had only asked for the Northern province and if its leaders had reassured the Sinhalese and Muslims, the B-C Pact would have had some chance of survival.
If the proposed B-C pact had actually got enacted, the Sinhala nationalists would have demanded the Tamils living in Weallawatai and Kottachenai to leave. The 1983 Black July would have happened decades earlier.
I have began from the Donoughmore Era and reviewed the history to indicate to young people like Satheesan Kumaran that the story is not black and white, with the Sinhalese doing all the bad things and "creating the ethnic divide", while the Tamils meekly performed "satyagraha" to win their rights both sides have been at fault.
The Tamils in the Vanni and other areas are not like their caste conscious counterparts in, whose only desire has been to retain their political power, and rule the North as absent landlords. The Vanni Tamils ("Malabars" in the language of the 1815 Kandyan Treaty, and also in Cleghorn's report to the Colonial office), like the Singhalese, have a lot in common as our religion, social organization and language are very similar to that of the Sinhalese people. Although GGP and SJV attempted to emphasize differences, these are the same stock of people with mere superficial differences.
The LTTE is a creation of the elitist Colombo Tamils who decided to use the lower caste "boys" in far-flung areas to promote their misguided political struggle making our children mere cannon fodder. Meanwhile, their children, kith and kin have gone abroad and continue to finance a psychopath who has eliminated out teachers, our kurukals, writers, journalists, political leaders and thinkers, so as to create a subservient society toeing his line with no questions asked, in the name of Eelam.
So, Kumaran what is there to be negotiated?
Kumaran is proposing conflict resolution via negotiations. As Anton Balasingham once stated, "Only the borders remain to be negotiated". It should not be forgotten that the Arasu Kachchi, while talking of Gandhian methods, secretly supported the creation of young militant groups. SJV personally met and worked with Sivakumaran, who was the first to commit suicide by swallowing cyanide.
I am sorry to say that the Tamil leaders of the 1930s, and then the ultra-nationalist activism of the SJV platform have been largely responsible for the plight of the Tamils today. Blaming the Sinhalese for all our ills won’t do. We need to soften our acrimonious uncompromising stand.
Trying to solve ethnic conflict through federalism will lead to bigger ethnic trap
August 15th, 2007
By Thomas Johnpulle
Supporters of federalism have spun up ahead of the ‘final’ battle in the North. Most of them fear that if the armed forces defeat the LTTE militarily, along with it the devolution endeavour will die. There are both supporting and opposing arguments; however, the real issue is the desirability and sustainability of a federal set-up.
Federalism cannot bring peace
A simple question posed by many opposed to federalism is ‘can it bring peace’. The answer is no. Many proponents of federalism argue that a utopian devolution mechanism to which everyone would eventually subscribe will cause things to happen in favour of bringing about peace. But the causal connection is too remote to rely on. Our bitter experience is that there can never be any practical devolution unit/mechanism/degree that all stakeholders can agree upon. Also the few available devolution mechanisms failed miserably to achieve any hint of peace. On the contrary; it was the 13th amendment and the resultant PCs that dragged the LTTE back to war (with the IPKF); it was CBK’s ‘package’ that caused so much pandemonium within and outside the parliament and eventually led to the untimely demise of her 2000-elect administration; devolution and its extent (ISGA verses nothing from the government) was the cause for the breakdown of peace talks in 2002. This is why successive governments call it a two-pronged strategy, a military strategy on one hand and a devolution attempt on the other. What this means is that Fed. or no Fed. war will continue until the annihilation of one fighting party.
Suppose a federal structure was put in place; then what? If the armed forces continue to remain in the N-E thereafter and even after the LTTE is ‘militarily weakened’, what are the chances of peace in the N-E? Many fear a jobless army is more dangerous as the US army in Japan, the IPKF in Jaffna after they ‘liberated’ it and the Russians in East Germany! On the other hand, if the armed forces leave the N-E, the ‘weakened LTTE’ will bounce back.
More complex issues exist about the police force.
Therefore, federalism cannot bring peace and only law and order can. For peace to hold, unlawful armed groups should be disarmed and lawful armed groups should uphold the law!
What does federalism has for the majority Sinhalese?
If nothing or nothing significant, call them whatever you will, they won’t support it; it is as simple as that. When a new election system was proposed recently, the SLMC declared that it will reduce the number of Muslim representatives in parliament and therefore they oppose it. Same fate will befall the federalism endeavour if the majority are not awarded substantial or at least significant benefits. In this context, it is important to consider the plight of minority Sinhala settlements in Trinco, Batti, Ampara, Vavuniya, Nuwara-Eliya, etc. under a federal set-up. They should be convinced that they will be better-off than they are under the central government. This is a very difficult thing to achieve given the complete lack of Sinhala representation among the political parties that are in strength in the N-E including TNA, SLMC, EPDP, PLOTE, TMVP, etc. The bottom line is they don’t trust these race-based political parties however much they try to contradict the ground realities - they are unable to command any trust from the Sinhala voters.
I have not seen anywhere how federalism can (as opposed to any other set-up) give the Sinhalese anything ‘extra’. Hence, most of them will not support a federal system. Their desire for a peaceful settlement of the ‘conflict’ should not be mistaken for a ‘federal system’ that places them under Tamil and Muslim political parties in whom they have zero trust and will add another overhead burden on the country just as the PCs.
A sustainable solution as opposed to one adopted under duress
If the international community pressurise the voters, parties and the government to agree to a federal set-up, the question arrises how sustainable it is?
Suppose, a federal solution is put in place after a lot of haggling, pressurising, etc. If it cannot bring about economic and political betterment in tangible proportions, the opposing forces will amass votes to bust it and that’s exactly what they will do when elected. Therefore, federal systems will not be able to be sustained unless they can add sizable amount of value to the aspirations of the majority. There is no point calling them names in order to avoid such an eventuality as it will surely happen. Can the international community suppress the opposing forces forever and can they continue to sustain the fragile ‘yes’ vote in favour of it? Very unlikely.
On the other hand, if a resolution can be reached that gratifies the popular vote base; such a system will be protected and promoted by the masses.
It is regrettable that most ‘political solutions’ disregard the aspirations of the majority and I do not think they will keep silent once the federalism matter hots up. Some of their (popular) leaders should be blamed for their part for not actively engaged in the process apart from opposing it outright.
Economics of federalism and the economic resources of regions
Who should benefit from the economic benefits of the Trincomalee harbour; the so-called ‘oil reserves’ off Manar; the remnants of the Mahaweli project in the N-E; huge mineral deposits especially along the N-E coastline?
Should it be the residents in these regions or the nation as a whole? Should these be sold outright, processed and then sold or left untouched?
These are the questions that can cripple any federal set-up. Regional leaders and national leaders will have widely opposing views. It is easy to say the whole country will eventually benefit, but practically it is very difficult as evidenced from around the world. Matters will get even worse if foreign parties enter the fray which is very likely to happen. Should we end up as East Timor where its oil resources are used by Australian companies with no benefits to East Timor and Indonesia?
On another count, should the Centre manage foreign investment inflows based on national criteria or should the regions manage it. The USD 300 million annually collected from the Tamil Diaspora will play a major role (it is approximately 1.3% of the GDP and without an obligation to repay) if utilised to achieve sectarian ends.
Already many concerned individuals have pointed out this matter and there will surely be more forthcoming.
Diplomacy
Should the regions be allowed to formulate their diplomatic priorities or should they follow the central government? If they do not have such powers, the regions will surely demand it. It is no secret that Tamils want much closer ties with Canada, UK, Switzerland and Tamil Nadu than now and similarly Muslims would want closer link-ups with the Islamic World. Tamil Nadu, Canada, Saudi Arabia and Iran are likely to have heightened diplomatic importance to the various regions. Apart from obvious conflicting interests among Saudi and Iranian interests (there were a few disturbing developments in the East last year), how can Tamil Nadu and Indian interest be managed by the Lankan central government and the regions? These conflicting interests will surely interplay with other matters like the Chinese developments in H’tota that includes a navel base.
Simply we are heading into diplomatic anarchy under federalism. On the other hand, if the regions’ rights to diplomatic interests are curtailed, would federalism achieve its desired targets?
National elections
Federalism can bring about more or less self-governing authorities in the regions. As a result, people’s interest in national elections may reduce. It should be noted that the voters’ turnout at the last presidential elections from 1988 to 2005 has been below 40% for the N-E as a whole. In the 1994 general election only 8 (eight) votes were cast from Jaffna district. If this happens, the significance and influence of national elections will reduce and as a result, the rights of individuals of certain communities will reduce. This is a very dangerous situation especially for the minorities living outside the N-E.
It is impossible to sustain a similar level of interest for regional elections and national elections at the same time when the regions enjoy substantial autonomy. Making it compulsory to vote as in some other countries would achieve little in this country.
Conflicts over water resources
A classic example is the Murrey Darling Basin development program of the Australian federal government. This is not supported by states amidst a severe drought that has hit Australia. Victoria has repeatedly and decisively declined to cooperate as it has enough water resources. Sri Lanka is not too far away; it should be recalled that this concern was embedded into the ISGA-2003 proposals by the LTTE which stated (the reality) that most waterways flow from outside their territory and hence water users in upper areas should use it carefully. The severity of this is so enormous that the government restarted the war in 2006 following the Mavilaru incident.
It will be unimaginably chaotic in a federal set-up and the army will have to be called-in to settle the matter given the fact that water is as important as gold in the dry zone. Prolonged and persistent conflicts can take a heavy toll and things will surely escalate when political forces interplay with them.
It is foolhardy to expect that our politicians would have national interests in mind than their Australian counterparts!
The risk of outside interferers
Another big risk for the country and the regions is the risk of heightened outside interference. NGOs and even the UN may run their own zones within some regions. In the absence of an acceptable regulator to both the regional and the central governments, these issues are likely to take the centre stage in any federal setting in Lanka.
There are a few defence pacts the country has already signed and there will be conflicts if the regions refuse to honour them. For an example consider the ’super secret’ defence pact with the US. Can US ships (en route to an attack in the Middle East) call at the Trinco navel base when it comes under a predominately Muslim council?
Should the state be selective in its arms purchase that Israeli weapons will not be deployed in certain areas?
If the World Tamil Congregation (banned in India recently) tries to hold their rally in the N-E with the approval of the regional council, can the Sri Lankan government ban it likewise? I doubt it as the government couldn’t ban such events as the ‘Pongu Thamil’ that was nothing but separatist propaganda.
Can India allow federalism to take root in Sri Lanka?
May be yes in 1987 but not now. In 1992 India banned the LTTE not because of Rajeev Ghandi or Sri Lanka, but rather because its influence on India’s own territorial integrity. This was evident in the report that called for a continued ban on the LTTE that was presented to the Indian parliament in 2007. Citing this, prominent constitutional lawyer HL de Silva stated that division of Lanka would be the epitaph of India.
Provided that a federal set-up will result in a more disintegrated Lanka, it is unlikely that India would support it wholeheartedly. It is also concerned about possible Western/Islamic influence in its backyard. This may in part explain why India has played a dormant role as regards federalism in Lanka; even the 13th amendment 20 years ago had little Indian input.
However, what is considered in Sri Lanka is much more dangerous than federalism itself; it is a strange variant that can be described as ‘racial-federalism’. This doesn’t sound well but that’s exactly what most politicians in favour of federalism demand. A separate Muslim Unit within the Tamil Homeland? Separate Sinhala units within each of them? How ridiculously racial? We are likely to fall into a bigger ‘ethnic’ trap if we try to solve the ‘ethnic’ conflict by federalism. My personal view is that we should be moving in a different direction that can integrate the ethnic groups. We don’t differentiate ethnic celebrations, ethnic foodstuff and ethnic attire. We need more than Dosai Villas, Buhari Cafes and Bath Kades; we need our fellow citizens who run them to live and thrive in our nation among us.
Federalism, however, goes against this Lankan spirit to start with! No wonder the forefathers of Lankan federalism were not from Sri Lanka
Entry Filed under: Federalidea
By Thomas Johnpulle
Supporters of federalism have spun up ahead of the ‘final’ battle in the North. Most of them fear that if the armed forces defeat the LTTE militarily, along with it the devolution endeavour will die. There are both supporting and opposing arguments; however, the real issue is the desirability and sustainability of a federal set-up.
Federalism cannot bring peace
A simple question posed by many opposed to federalism is ‘can it bring peace’. The answer is no. Many proponents of federalism argue that a utopian devolution mechanism to which everyone would eventually subscribe will cause things to happen in favour of bringing about peace. But the causal connection is too remote to rely on. Our bitter experience is that there can never be any practical devolution unit/mechanism/degree that all stakeholders can agree upon. Also the few available devolution mechanisms failed miserably to achieve any hint of peace. On the contrary; it was the 13th amendment and the resultant PCs that dragged the LTTE back to war (with the IPKF); it was CBK’s ‘package’ that caused so much pandemonium within and outside the parliament and eventually led to the untimely demise of her 2000-elect administration; devolution and its extent (ISGA verses nothing from the government) was the cause for the breakdown of peace talks in 2002. This is why successive governments call it a two-pronged strategy, a military strategy on one hand and a devolution attempt on the other. What this means is that Fed. or no Fed. war will continue until the annihilation of one fighting party.
Suppose a federal structure was put in place; then what? If the armed forces continue to remain in the N-E thereafter and even after the LTTE is ‘militarily weakened’, what are the chances of peace in the N-E? Many fear a jobless army is more dangerous as the US army in Japan, the IPKF in Jaffna after they ‘liberated’ it and the Russians in East Germany! On the other hand, if the armed forces leave the N-E, the ‘weakened LTTE’ will bounce back.
More complex issues exist about the police force.
Therefore, federalism cannot bring peace and only law and order can. For peace to hold, unlawful armed groups should be disarmed and lawful armed groups should uphold the law!
What does federalism has for the majority Sinhalese?
If nothing or nothing significant, call them whatever you will, they won’t support it; it is as simple as that. When a new election system was proposed recently, the SLMC declared that it will reduce the number of Muslim representatives in parliament and therefore they oppose it. Same fate will befall the federalism endeavour if the majority are not awarded substantial or at least significant benefits. In this context, it is important to consider the plight of minority Sinhala settlements in Trinco, Batti, Ampara, Vavuniya, Nuwara-Eliya, etc. under a federal set-up. They should be convinced that they will be better-off than they are under the central government. This is a very difficult thing to achieve given the complete lack of Sinhala representation among the political parties that are in strength in the N-E including TNA, SLMC, EPDP, PLOTE, TMVP, etc. The bottom line is they don’t trust these race-based political parties however much they try to contradict the ground realities - they are unable to command any trust from the Sinhala voters.
I have not seen anywhere how federalism can (as opposed to any other set-up) give the Sinhalese anything ‘extra’. Hence, most of them will not support a federal system. Their desire for a peaceful settlement of the ‘conflict’ should not be mistaken for a ‘federal system’ that places them under Tamil and Muslim political parties in whom they have zero trust and will add another overhead burden on the country just as the PCs.
A sustainable solution as opposed to one adopted under duress
If the international community pressurise the voters, parties and the government to agree to a federal set-up, the question arrises how sustainable it is?
Suppose, a federal solution is put in place after a lot of haggling, pressurising, etc. If it cannot bring about economic and political betterment in tangible proportions, the opposing forces will amass votes to bust it and that’s exactly what they will do when elected. Therefore, federal systems will not be able to be sustained unless they can add sizable amount of value to the aspirations of the majority. There is no point calling them names in order to avoid such an eventuality as it will surely happen. Can the international community suppress the opposing forces forever and can they continue to sustain the fragile ‘yes’ vote in favour of it? Very unlikely.
On the other hand, if a resolution can be reached that gratifies the popular vote base; such a system will be protected and promoted by the masses.
It is regrettable that most ‘political solutions’ disregard the aspirations of the majority and I do not think they will keep silent once the federalism matter hots up. Some of their (popular) leaders should be blamed for their part for not actively engaged in the process apart from opposing it outright.
Economics of federalism and the economic resources of regions
Who should benefit from the economic benefits of the Trincomalee harbour; the so-called ‘oil reserves’ off Manar; the remnants of the Mahaweli project in the N-E; huge mineral deposits especially along the N-E coastline?
Should it be the residents in these regions or the nation as a whole? Should these be sold outright, processed and then sold or left untouched?
These are the questions that can cripple any federal set-up. Regional leaders and national leaders will have widely opposing views. It is easy to say the whole country will eventually benefit, but practically it is very difficult as evidenced from around the world. Matters will get even worse if foreign parties enter the fray which is very likely to happen. Should we end up as East Timor where its oil resources are used by Australian companies with no benefits to East Timor and Indonesia?
On another count, should the Centre manage foreign investment inflows based on national criteria or should the regions manage it. The USD 300 million annually collected from the Tamil Diaspora will play a major role (it is approximately 1.3% of the GDP and without an obligation to repay) if utilised to achieve sectarian ends.
Already many concerned individuals have pointed out this matter and there will surely be more forthcoming.
Diplomacy
Should the regions be allowed to formulate their diplomatic priorities or should they follow the central government? If they do not have such powers, the regions will surely demand it. It is no secret that Tamils want much closer ties with Canada, UK, Switzerland and Tamil Nadu than now and similarly Muslims would want closer link-ups with the Islamic World. Tamil Nadu, Canada, Saudi Arabia and Iran are likely to have heightened diplomatic importance to the various regions. Apart from obvious conflicting interests among Saudi and Iranian interests (there were a few disturbing developments in the East last year), how can Tamil Nadu and Indian interest be managed by the Lankan central government and the regions? These conflicting interests will surely interplay with other matters like the Chinese developments in H’tota that includes a navel base.
Simply we are heading into diplomatic anarchy under federalism. On the other hand, if the regions’ rights to diplomatic interests are curtailed, would federalism achieve its desired targets?
National elections
Federalism can bring about more or less self-governing authorities in the regions. As a result, people’s interest in national elections may reduce. It should be noted that the voters’ turnout at the last presidential elections from 1988 to 2005 has been below 40% for the N-E as a whole. In the 1994 general election only 8 (eight) votes were cast from Jaffna district. If this happens, the significance and influence of national elections will reduce and as a result, the rights of individuals of certain communities will reduce. This is a very dangerous situation especially for the minorities living outside the N-E.
It is impossible to sustain a similar level of interest for regional elections and national elections at the same time when the regions enjoy substantial autonomy. Making it compulsory to vote as in some other countries would achieve little in this country.
Conflicts over water resources
A classic example is the Murrey Darling Basin development program of the Australian federal government. This is not supported by states amidst a severe drought that has hit Australia. Victoria has repeatedly and decisively declined to cooperate as it has enough water resources. Sri Lanka is not too far away; it should be recalled that this concern was embedded into the ISGA-2003 proposals by the LTTE which stated (the reality) that most waterways flow from outside their territory and hence water users in upper areas should use it carefully. The severity of this is so enormous that the government restarted the war in 2006 following the Mavilaru incident.
It will be unimaginably chaotic in a federal set-up and the army will have to be called-in to settle the matter given the fact that water is as important as gold in the dry zone. Prolonged and persistent conflicts can take a heavy toll and things will surely escalate when political forces interplay with them.
It is foolhardy to expect that our politicians would have national interests in mind than their Australian counterparts!
The risk of outside interferers
Another big risk for the country and the regions is the risk of heightened outside interference. NGOs and even the UN may run their own zones within some regions. In the absence of an acceptable regulator to both the regional and the central governments, these issues are likely to take the centre stage in any federal setting in Lanka.
There are a few defence pacts the country has already signed and there will be conflicts if the regions refuse to honour them. For an example consider the ’super secret’ defence pact with the US. Can US ships (en route to an attack in the Middle East) call at the Trinco navel base when it comes under a predominately Muslim council?
Should the state be selective in its arms purchase that Israeli weapons will not be deployed in certain areas?
If the World Tamil Congregation (banned in India recently) tries to hold their rally in the N-E with the approval of the regional council, can the Sri Lankan government ban it likewise? I doubt it as the government couldn’t ban such events as the ‘Pongu Thamil’ that was nothing but separatist propaganda.
Can India allow federalism to take root in Sri Lanka?
May be yes in 1987 but not now. In 1992 India banned the LTTE not because of Rajeev Ghandi or Sri Lanka, but rather because its influence on India’s own territorial integrity. This was evident in the report that called for a continued ban on the LTTE that was presented to the Indian parliament in 2007. Citing this, prominent constitutional lawyer HL de Silva stated that division of Lanka would be the epitaph of India.
Provided that a federal set-up will result in a more disintegrated Lanka, it is unlikely that India would support it wholeheartedly. It is also concerned about possible Western/Islamic influence in its backyard. This may in part explain why India has played a dormant role as regards federalism in Lanka; even the 13th amendment 20 years ago had little Indian input.
However, what is considered in Sri Lanka is much more dangerous than federalism itself; it is a strange variant that can be described as ‘racial-federalism’. This doesn’t sound well but that’s exactly what most politicians in favour of federalism demand. A separate Muslim Unit within the Tamil Homeland? Separate Sinhala units within each of them? How ridiculously racial? We are likely to fall into a bigger ‘ethnic’ trap if we try to solve the ‘ethnic’ conflict by federalism. My personal view is that we should be moving in a different direction that can integrate the ethnic groups. We don’t differentiate ethnic celebrations, ethnic foodstuff and ethnic attire. We need more than Dosai Villas, Buhari Cafes and Bath Kades; we need our fellow citizens who run them to live and thrive in our nation among us.
Federalism, however, goes against this Lankan spirit to start with! No wonder the forefathers of Lankan federalism were not from Sri Lanka
Entry Filed under: Federalidea
A Federal System Means a Tamil Nadu in Sri Lanka
By Thomas Johnpulle
The naked reality of Indian federalism can be seen from Tamil Nadu. It is terrifying on one hand and kind of outlandish on the other. India has been a federal country. But unlike many other federal countries in the world, its federal boundaries run along racial lines. Nothing much has happened over the years in terms of colonisation of Tamil Nadu by non-Tamils. Over 95% of India’s Tamils still live in Tamil Nadu and over 95% of those who are living in Tamil Nadu are Tamils! There are many freedom struggles across India based on race. Development has done little or nothing to take away separatism.
However, India with its third largest army and the largest paramilitary force in the world has managed to keep separatists under check. When compared to the wealth of the LTTE, India’s separatist fighters are penniless. Tamil Nadu had its own separatist struggle before 1962. It failed owing to many reasons, most importantly thanks to anti-separatism legislation. But the flame of separation has not died. Their desire to be a separate nation is channelled to sympathy for the Tamil Elam struggle across the Palk Strait. At least two Tamils have committed suicide showing support to the ‘liberation struggle’ in Sri Lanka and at least two more have attempted it within the space of a few days.
Open Support for Tamil Elam and LTTE
Most Tamil Nadu political parties support Tamil Elam and the LTTE to various degrees. They have done their share to please the LTTE. This is exactly what will happen in Northern and Eastern parts of Sri Lanka if anything similar to Tamil Nadu is created without proper ethnic integration.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Muthuwel Karunanidhi played a number of antics until the Sri Lankan Army Commander’s comments brought him to his senses. Thirumavalavan also showed what he can do with a four day fast unto death! Vaiko used his eloquent nonsense to make his presence felt. These are the type of politicians Sri Lanka will have if a Tamil Nadu is created here.
Given the massive support for the Tamil Elam struggle from Tamil Nadu, one can only imagine the support a local Tamil Nadu will have for it. Therefore when a federal structure creates a Tamil Nadu equivalent in Sri Lanka, federations on both sides of the Palk Strait will be on fire demanding Tamil Elam in one voice.
Rulers of Sri Lanka should not be carried away by petty assurances given by their close associates who are either running regional administrations in the north-east at the moment or tipped to become administrators in the near future. The period of honeymoon won’t last long. Their camaraderie is only with the incumbent President and no sooner he leaves office, hell will break out.
The outcome of regional elections immediately following military victories cannot be considered representative of ground realities. But as time passes by, seeds of separatism will again germinate as before. They have almost a century-old divisive/racial political infrastructure to build on.
LTTE – a political affair
Nothing about the LTTE is a political affair in Central India. LTTE ban that was imposed in 1992 continued regardless of who was in power. However, in Sri Lanka the LTTE ban has been a political affair. It was imposed in 1998 by the PA government and within just months after UNP assumed office the ban was lifted in 2002 only to be reimposed by the UPFA government. Political parties made agreements with the LTTE in the lead up to crucial elections in 1989, 1994, 2001 and possibly 2004 and 2005. In simple words main political parties made alliances with the LTTE in all national elections after 1983. If this is the plight of the national political parties, the plight of regional political parties in the north-east will be much worse. They will have to please the remains of the LTTE, its still functioning overseas branches, its ancillary organisations in Canada, UK, Singapore, etc.
Eventually regional administrations in the north-east will become puppets of overseas LTTE branches.
It was reported that the Tamil Nadu police was after troublemakers who caused havoc in the name of supporting Tamil Elam. Police did a good job in quelling trouble. However, in Sri Lanka this will not happen. The police will be either under the regional administration or the central administration. Or it may be torn between the two! In any case the police will be serving its political masters. As a result if a Tamil Nadu equivalent is created in Sri Lanka, its police will be no more than legitimised rebels.
Racial politics
Race-based political parties only care about the people of its race; they don’t pay any attention to others. If a representative from another community is included in their party, he would be just a yesman. Examples are All Ceylon Tamil Congress, Singhala Maka Sabhai, Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, Tamil United Liberation Front, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (registered in 1989), Tamil National Alliance, Muslim Congress, Sihala Urumaya, Hela Urumaya and Sinhalaye Maha Sammatha Boomiputhraya Party. In wide contrast national political parties are concerned about a wide section of the population irrespective of race.
When two race-based political parties compete with each other, the party that is seen as most racist wins because race is the main criteria and the reason for the parties’ existence. Unfortunately this is what happened in north-east politics ever since 1931. A gradual descend is seen from the ACTC to TNA. ACTC was with the 1947 elect government in most part of its existence. Its successor, ITAK, joined with the governing coalition for a shorter span of its existence. TULF and TNA were worse and showed no co-operation whatsoever and the latter being the worse of the two. As explained above this gradual descend into total tribalism is the outcome of competition between two or more race-based parties.
Without a doubt the northern region and the eastern region will be dominated by race-based parties in time to come when the heat of the military victory dies down. That was how these regions have always been! Then it will be much worse than all the above mentioned parties combined. Please note that none of the above mentioned parties had any instrument or establishment to govern at will. In a federal structure or reasonably autonomous structure, these parties will have a large territory and sufficient powers to play with. The outcome will be calamitous.
To make things worse they will influence the central government as well. Their support in forming a ruling coalition in parliament would be crucial and their co-operation would be on condition of support to their agendas. At Presidential elections, they can shut out the voters if they so desire altering the outcome. Like in Tamil Nadu they will flex the muscle to get what they want from the central government. Although the Indian central government, especially the Indian Prime Minister stood firm, Sri Lanka will never have politicians of that calibre!
Racial Federalism
The Northern Province is a Tamil only region after the LTTE succeeded in a double genocide by 1990. If a federal structure is created either along provincial boundaries or racial boundaries, it is ‘racial federalism’ we are talking about. This is not going to solve the ethnic problem. In fact it will only aggravate it by further isolating communities.
Culturally the Northern region will be with Tamil Nadu, not Sri Lanka; spiritually it will be with Tamil Nadu, not Sri Lanka; politically it will be with Tamil Nadu, not Sri Lanka (the sheer number of visits our northern politicians made to Tamil Nadu explains this); economically it will be torn between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka (especially when thriving trade between the two ‘states’ recommences after the war). Clearly the Northern region will be in most part aligned with Tamil Nadu, India than Sri Lanka!
Is this what the people of Sri Lanka (irrespective of race) want? They have shown otherwise by vehemently rejecting federalism; even toned down versions. Governments had to risk their very existence trying to push these ‘solutions’. As the (political not racial) majority do not support them, they will never succeed on the ground. Forcing federalism (or toned downed versions) on the people under curfew, under siege from a foreign army, under threat of sanctions or any other compulsion will only make it worse.
Another big confusion is about ‘who needs a solution’; should it be Sri Lankans or Tamils? If it is Tamils, and not all Sri Lankans, then there is little justification for non-Tamils to agree on such a solution. It is as simple as that. When 20 million people are craving for solutions to their problems, only solving the problems of Tamils while the others are still hungry and craving, will lead to commotions, if not war.
As long as some proponents of ‘political’ solutions fail to grasp this reality, there cannot be a political solution which means either the parties must battle it out or live with it.
The Right Solution
The right solution should defeat racism, separatism and block the avenues of another potential uprising. As long as the North remains mono-ethnic, race-based politics will rule it as it did from 1931 to this date. This is the ideal breeding ground of racism, separatism and terrorism. In fact the north was the only place race-based politics thrived most. Most separatist leaders emerged from the North and without a doubt according to the Mahaveer listing of the LTTE, most fighters also came from the mono-ethnic North! This is no coincident.
The only way is to ethnically integrate the North as any other province. There is a huge added economic advantage too. There are hundreds of thousands of hectares of arable land and hundreds of kilometres of coastline that offers gainful employment to the farming and fishing communities that are crammed into an unsustainably small area at the moment. Once a thriving economy shared by Sinhalas, Tamils and Muslims is created in the north which in turn benefits the country, the country will be inseparably bound to the north and vice versa. It will also change the mono-ethnic North into a bubbling multiethnic community where race is no longer a political tool.
The North will be as diverse, colourful and beautiful as the National Flag leaving no room for separatism. How can separatists claim it as Tamil homeland (or part of it), if Tamils are only one part of its community?
As a by-product, it will also rubbish the Tamil homelands concept which stood in the way of ethnic integration for over 80 years.
However, the separate Tamil cultural and religious identities must be kept as they are. There is no justification for a dilution of the unique Tamil culture in the name of integration. Separate Tamil political aspirations would disappear in favour of national aspirations.
http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2009/02/federal-system-means-tamil-nadu-in-sri.html
The naked reality of Indian federalism can be seen from Tamil Nadu. It is terrifying on one hand and kind of outlandish on the other. India has been a federal country. But unlike many other federal countries in the world, its federal boundaries run along racial lines. Nothing much has happened over the years in terms of colonisation of Tamil Nadu by non-Tamils. Over 95% of India’s Tamils still live in Tamil Nadu and over 95% of those who are living in Tamil Nadu are Tamils! There are many freedom struggles across India based on race. Development has done little or nothing to take away separatism.
However, India with its third largest army and the largest paramilitary force in the world has managed to keep separatists under check. When compared to the wealth of the LTTE, India’s separatist fighters are penniless. Tamil Nadu had its own separatist struggle before 1962. It failed owing to many reasons, most importantly thanks to anti-separatism legislation. But the flame of separation has not died. Their desire to be a separate nation is channelled to sympathy for the Tamil Elam struggle across the Palk Strait. At least two Tamils have committed suicide showing support to the ‘liberation struggle’ in Sri Lanka and at least two more have attempted it within the space of a few days.
Open Support for Tamil Elam and LTTE
Most Tamil Nadu political parties support Tamil Elam and the LTTE to various degrees. They have done their share to please the LTTE. This is exactly what will happen in Northern and Eastern parts of Sri Lanka if anything similar to Tamil Nadu is created without proper ethnic integration.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Muthuwel Karunanidhi played a number of antics until the Sri Lankan Army Commander’s comments brought him to his senses. Thirumavalavan also showed what he can do with a four day fast unto death! Vaiko used his eloquent nonsense to make his presence felt. These are the type of politicians Sri Lanka will have if a Tamil Nadu is created here.
Given the massive support for the Tamil Elam struggle from Tamil Nadu, one can only imagine the support a local Tamil Nadu will have for it. Therefore when a federal structure creates a Tamil Nadu equivalent in Sri Lanka, federations on both sides of the Palk Strait will be on fire demanding Tamil Elam in one voice.
Rulers of Sri Lanka should not be carried away by petty assurances given by their close associates who are either running regional administrations in the north-east at the moment or tipped to become administrators in the near future. The period of honeymoon won’t last long. Their camaraderie is only with the incumbent President and no sooner he leaves office, hell will break out.
The outcome of regional elections immediately following military victories cannot be considered representative of ground realities. But as time passes by, seeds of separatism will again germinate as before. They have almost a century-old divisive/racial political infrastructure to build on.
LTTE – a political affair
Nothing about the LTTE is a political affair in Central India. LTTE ban that was imposed in 1992 continued regardless of who was in power. However, in Sri Lanka the LTTE ban has been a political affair. It was imposed in 1998 by the PA government and within just months after UNP assumed office the ban was lifted in 2002 only to be reimposed by the UPFA government. Political parties made agreements with the LTTE in the lead up to crucial elections in 1989, 1994, 2001 and possibly 2004 and 2005. In simple words main political parties made alliances with the LTTE in all national elections after 1983. If this is the plight of the national political parties, the plight of regional political parties in the north-east will be much worse. They will have to please the remains of the LTTE, its still functioning overseas branches, its ancillary organisations in Canada, UK, Singapore, etc.
Eventually regional administrations in the north-east will become puppets of overseas LTTE branches.
It was reported that the Tamil Nadu police was after troublemakers who caused havoc in the name of supporting Tamil Elam. Police did a good job in quelling trouble. However, in Sri Lanka this will not happen. The police will be either under the regional administration or the central administration. Or it may be torn between the two! In any case the police will be serving its political masters. As a result if a Tamil Nadu equivalent is created in Sri Lanka, its police will be no more than legitimised rebels.
Racial politics
Race-based political parties only care about the people of its race; they don’t pay any attention to others. If a representative from another community is included in their party, he would be just a yesman. Examples are All Ceylon Tamil Congress, Singhala Maka Sabhai, Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi, Tamil United Liberation Front, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (registered in 1989), Tamil National Alliance, Muslim Congress, Sihala Urumaya, Hela Urumaya and Sinhalaye Maha Sammatha Boomiputhraya Party. In wide contrast national political parties are concerned about a wide section of the population irrespective of race.
When two race-based political parties compete with each other, the party that is seen as most racist wins because race is the main criteria and the reason for the parties’ existence. Unfortunately this is what happened in north-east politics ever since 1931. A gradual descend is seen from the ACTC to TNA. ACTC was with the 1947 elect government in most part of its existence. Its successor, ITAK, joined with the governing coalition for a shorter span of its existence. TULF and TNA were worse and showed no co-operation whatsoever and the latter being the worse of the two. As explained above this gradual descend into total tribalism is the outcome of competition between two or more race-based parties.
Without a doubt the northern region and the eastern region will be dominated by race-based parties in time to come when the heat of the military victory dies down. That was how these regions have always been! Then it will be much worse than all the above mentioned parties combined. Please note that none of the above mentioned parties had any instrument or establishment to govern at will. In a federal structure or reasonably autonomous structure, these parties will have a large territory and sufficient powers to play with. The outcome will be calamitous.
To make things worse they will influence the central government as well. Their support in forming a ruling coalition in parliament would be crucial and their co-operation would be on condition of support to their agendas. At Presidential elections, they can shut out the voters if they so desire altering the outcome. Like in Tamil Nadu they will flex the muscle to get what they want from the central government. Although the Indian central government, especially the Indian Prime Minister stood firm, Sri Lanka will never have politicians of that calibre!
Racial Federalism
The Northern Province is a Tamil only region after the LTTE succeeded in a double genocide by 1990. If a federal structure is created either along provincial boundaries or racial boundaries, it is ‘racial federalism’ we are talking about. This is not going to solve the ethnic problem. In fact it will only aggravate it by further isolating communities.
Culturally the Northern region will be with Tamil Nadu, not Sri Lanka; spiritually it will be with Tamil Nadu, not Sri Lanka; politically it will be with Tamil Nadu, not Sri Lanka (the sheer number of visits our northern politicians made to Tamil Nadu explains this); economically it will be torn between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka (especially when thriving trade between the two ‘states’ recommences after the war). Clearly the Northern region will be in most part aligned with Tamil Nadu, India than Sri Lanka!
Is this what the people of Sri Lanka (irrespective of race) want? They have shown otherwise by vehemently rejecting federalism; even toned down versions. Governments had to risk their very existence trying to push these ‘solutions’. As the (political not racial) majority do not support them, they will never succeed on the ground. Forcing federalism (or toned downed versions) on the people under curfew, under siege from a foreign army, under threat of sanctions or any other compulsion will only make it worse.
Another big confusion is about ‘who needs a solution’; should it be Sri Lankans or Tamils? If it is Tamils, and not all Sri Lankans, then there is little justification for non-Tamils to agree on such a solution. It is as simple as that. When 20 million people are craving for solutions to their problems, only solving the problems of Tamils while the others are still hungry and craving, will lead to commotions, if not war.
As long as some proponents of ‘political’ solutions fail to grasp this reality, there cannot be a political solution which means either the parties must battle it out or live with it.
The Right Solution
The right solution should defeat racism, separatism and block the avenues of another potential uprising. As long as the North remains mono-ethnic, race-based politics will rule it as it did from 1931 to this date. This is the ideal breeding ground of racism, separatism and terrorism. In fact the north was the only place race-based politics thrived most. Most separatist leaders emerged from the North and without a doubt according to the Mahaveer listing of the LTTE, most fighters also came from the mono-ethnic North! This is no coincident.
The only way is to ethnically integrate the North as any other province. There is a huge added economic advantage too. There are hundreds of thousands of hectares of arable land and hundreds of kilometres of coastline that offers gainful employment to the farming and fishing communities that are crammed into an unsustainably small area at the moment. Once a thriving economy shared by Sinhalas, Tamils and Muslims is created in the north which in turn benefits the country, the country will be inseparably bound to the north and vice versa. It will also change the mono-ethnic North into a bubbling multiethnic community where race is no longer a political tool.
The North will be as diverse, colourful and beautiful as the National Flag leaving no room for separatism. How can separatists claim it as Tamil homeland (or part of it), if Tamils are only one part of its community?
As a by-product, it will also rubbish the Tamil homelands concept which stood in the way of ethnic integration for over 80 years.
However, the separate Tamil cultural and religious identities must be kept as they are. There is no justification for a dilution of the unique Tamil culture in the name of integration. Separate Tamil political aspirations would disappear in favour of national aspirations.
http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2009/02/federal-system-means-tamil-nadu-in-sri.html
People have found a solution to Sri Lanka’s problem: Adopt it!
Harping on a political solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka has become a favourite pastime of many. According to them there is an unspecified political solution to the ethnic problem. It is easy to blame politicians for not coming up with a political solution but it is more complex than meets the eye. In fact, many political solutions were attempted, but, all failed to solve the problem. The 13th Amendment proved to be a very costly experiment. It paved the way for eight Provincial Councils which turned out to be a heavy burden on the public. However, nothing happened; nothing changed! Many more political solutions were proposed. Ironically they were torpedoed by the very same people who are now clamouring for them! Prominent Tamil politicians were instrumental in crippling the ‘political package’ that was proposed by the CBK administration. A few Sinhala and Muslim elements also made a contribution to the scuttling of the political process. Even if it had gone through there would not have been any difference.
It is important to define the problem before attempting a solution. Few facts need to be addressed at the outset.
Is there an ethnic problem in Sri Lanka? Yes and reasons are given below.
Will a political solution end LTTE’s violence campaign? No, because LTTE is not driven by the people and violence is a way of life for senior LTTE leaders who can run their project regardless of the thinking of the Tamil people. A classic example is the plight of about 250,000 Tamils civilians trapped in the Vanni. They know that more than 2,000,000 Tamils are living outside the LTTE controlled areas. The few that are trapped very much want to escape the LTTE but have no say and no way. LTTE tells them what is good for them!
Will there be a permanent peace if both the ethnic problem and the LTTE problem are resolved? No, Sri Lanka, as any other developing country will continue to experience violence. Wide spread discontent in the society irrespective of ethnicity, the high crime rate, high suicide rate, the likelihood of a third JVP-style insurgency, violent trade union action and counter-action, ill effects of globalisation and political violence are possibilities. Tackling them takes a long time and until such time the country will have to live with them. It may be recalled that within 12 years of gaining Independence, a Prime Minister was gunned down in this country. Worse, the culprits were not punished! It bears testimony to the fact that there was ample violence in the society even before the eruption of war. Expecting a utopian peace in the short term is only foolhardy.
Is there an ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka? No, although there is an ethnic problem and a conflict there is not ethnic. In the contemporary Sri Lankan society in government controlled areas there is ethnic unity in spite of war in some parts of the country. If the conflict were an ethnic conflict, Colombo would be the battlefield, not the Vanni!
Unfortunately, these four trivial and straightforward issues dominate the discussion about political solutions and as a result, real issues have gone unaddressed.
The biggest hindrance to solving the ethnic problem is that it has at least two contradictory definitions. There is no possibility that these contradictory definitions reconciled.
Definition Number One (as the majority Sinhalese see it)
Ethnic Problem is the lack of unity among people of various ethnicities and the lack of ethnic diversity in some parts of the country.
This is the popular view. Unity – coexistence, interdependence and harmony among people of various ethnicities in Sri Lanka – is an untold success story. There is no ethnic disunity in any part of the government controlled area. Every district of Sri Lanka is home to thousands of Tamils. However, divisive forces are still at play. They play the race-card for their survival. A good example is race-based political parties. Although a large number of Tamils and most Muslims have embraced the two national political parties, race-based political parties still exist. Their very survival depends on ethnic division.
Also there are at least three districts in the north where Sinhala and Muslim civilians were completely ethnically cleansed by the LTTE. Today Sinhalas and Muslims cannot live in these districts because of their ethnicity. Stemming from this is the other aspect of the problem: lack of ethnic diversity in the north. Vast resources including the expanses of land in the north must be available to people of all ethnicities.
A political solution should strengthen unity among ethnicities and do away with demarcations and divisions and enhance ethnic diversity in the north. For such a solution, there is no need to create regions vested with power, no need for devolution, no need to have racial bargaining and absolutely no necessity to entertain racial aspirations.
The argument that devolution should be based on development doesn’t hold water. Undeveloped areas could be developed through a national development plan, rather than through a regional development plan. The tragic failure of the Provincial Councils in carrying out development work is only too well known. This has happened despite the fact that all those councils have at their helm the same ruling party as the centre. But, at the same time, it is not difficult to imagine what would happen if two different parties came to power at the centre and in the PCs. There are enough and more local government bodies like municipal councils, urban councils and Pradeshiya Sabhas and they can handle all regional issues effectively.
The concept of ethnic homelands is totally rubbished by this view that only recognises one undivided nation for all the people to live everywhere. Race has no place in this definition. Grievance handling is done without regard to ethnicity. The overriding notion is that "Sri Lanka should be for all Sri Lankans".
The implementation of this solution depends on military operations and according to this school of thought the deployment of the military in any trouble spot is in order and democracy should be the basis of decision making.
Definition Number Two (as the Tamils see it)
The ‘Ethnic Problem’ is about not fulfilling Tamil aspirations. Tamil aspirations include the acceptance of the Tamil homeland, Tamil right of self-determination and Tamil nationality. Ethnicity matters most. If these demands cannot be granted outright, they must be granted in part. But in the short run something should be granted so it will help achieve the aforesaid aspirations in the long run.
The political solution would actually create disunity in the country to the extent that space is created for meeting Tamil aspirations. If the country remains unitary (the highest form of unity), there would be no space for Tamil aspirations. Too much unity means Tamils will have to conform to the general Sri Lankan values and lose their aspirations.
Tamil aspirations are that North and the East must be unified so that a large part of their "traditional Tamil homeland" will remain together. Colonisation schemes that cause demographic distortions of the north-east should stop. Regions should be vested with power, including legislative power and power over land. Power should be devolved to the largest possible unit created in the north-east. Development is a secondary objective as development without Tamil aspirations means nothing!
Race-based political parties are the key to governance and they must be promoted. The overriding concept is Tamil aspirations and Tamils, especially Eelam Tamils have a say in governance of the north-east whether they live in Sri Lanka or not. Tamil Diaspora’s role is critical.
Military operations stand in the way to peace according to this view. Essential military activities may be carried out, but they too should cease at the earliest. Certainly no large "occupying army" should be stationed in the Tamil majority areas. Democracy alone cannot guarantee this type of a resolution. Therefore, a certain amount of imposition is needed as a counter to the majoritarian rule. Help and pressure of international actors are essential for finding a solution.
Contradictory
These definitions (the first definition and the second definition) contradict each other. What’s more interesting is that a solution found according to one view becomes a problem according to the other.
Suppose a solution was introduced that further strengthens the unitary status of Sri Lanka, allows "colonisation" of the north, helps national political parties to gradually replace race-based political parties or establishes a grievance handling procedure without regard to race, that "solution" will be seen as the intensification of the ethnic problem by those who hold the opposing view.
Similarly, if a solution introduces a federal structure in place of the present unitary structure, starts addressing race-based grievances and addressing problems from a racial perspective or further strengthens race-based political parties, according to the definition number one, this "solution" would amount to the worsening of the ethnic problem.
One man’s solution is another’s problem!
All the pundits who advocate an unspecified political solution carefully avoid this reality. Those who suggest specific solutions, try to impose themselves on others. No attempt has been made to understand and appreciate these differences. It must be noted that no lasting solution can be evolved at the expense of the interests of either of these two groups. These two views cannot coexist as they contradict each other. Superficial attempts to reconcile the two fail to bridge differences that arise outside the drawing board.
A Compromise
Theoretically, a compromise should be possible. However, given the completely opposing views, a compromised solution will not work at all. A compromise between the two would only disappoint both groups and aggravate the problem. This has happened too many times in the past. A worse situation can arise from a compromise. If only one party compromises, the other (the uncompromising party) can demand further compromises. This way the uncompromising party can gradually push the other party to an extreme. Unfortunately, this is what has happened with all political solutions Sri Lanka has experimented with. Tamil Elamists demanded compromise after compromise from the other side while not budging a bit themselves. Their greed knows no bounds that they ultimately led to the total breakdown of the political process. Certainly, a compromise is not going to work again; it will only disappoint both groups and drive them to extremism.
Ignoring the problem is another way to handle it, rather than complicate matters! Most Lankan politicians opted for that easy wayout.
However, the ethnic problem demands a solution.
What should the solution be?
The solution is out there
The ethnic problem coupled with the war, wreaked havoc throughout the country; mostly in the north-east. Commander after commander waged war in the north-east in search of peace. Tigers in turn bombed civilians in the south umpteen times. Amidst all these chaos, there are people who found solace, harmony and relative peace. They ran to these oases in hundreds of thousands from warzones.
There is a big difference between where they ran from and where they ran to. They essentially ran from mono-ethnic enclaves in the north to multiethnic communities in the south. Race mattered most in the mono ethnic enclave but it mattered less in multi ethnic communities. Belonging to the "right" race was a prerequisite to live in the mono ethnic north but was not so important in the multiethnic community in the south.
Had they waited till politicians found a solution to their problems, they would have died by now! Not only did they run to the solution, they became an integral part of the solution! Unfortunate events of 1983 didn’t repeat thereafter thanks to the multiethnic community that flourished in the South. Few unfortunate matters that affected only a fraction of the Tamil community in the South have happened but they left hundreds of thousands of Tamils without a scratch. Unfortunately, the North was cursed with tribalism and ethnic isolation which further bred intolerance.
If the Southern model is introduced to the North, it will be as peaceful as the South. Of course it will not solve the terrorist element which has to be addressed militarily.
This solution, although it looks like a combination of the above discussed solutions, is actually divorced from both views. It is not based on any theory to begin with. It all started when people themselves found a solution out of the mess that existed around them.
Politicians, academics, professionals, diplomats, priests and even Maharishis can split hairs and argue for importing alien solutions, but none will work so well as the people’s solution has worked.
Also it is a fact of life that some problems do not have solutions. For instance there is no room for a separate Tamil (or Sinhala or Muslim) nation in the island of Sri Lanka. This fact must be formally established. That will not give any solace to those who want it, but it will help them recover from the misery of not having a solution to their problem. No solution can equally satisfy all.
By Thomas Johnpulle
The Sri Lanka Guardian
It is important to define the problem before attempting a solution. Few facts need to be addressed at the outset.
Is there an ethnic problem in Sri Lanka? Yes and reasons are given below.
Will a political solution end LTTE’s violence campaign? No, because LTTE is not driven by the people and violence is a way of life for senior LTTE leaders who can run their project regardless of the thinking of the Tamil people. A classic example is the plight of about 250,000 Tamils civilians trapped in the Vanni. They know that more than 2,000,000 Tamils are living outside the LTTE controlled areas. The few that are trapped very much want to escape the LTTE but have no say and no way. LTTE tells them what is good for them!
Will there be a permanent peace if both the ethnic problem and the LTTE problem are resolved? No, Sri Lanka, as any other developing country will continue to experience violence. Wide spread discontent in the society irrespective of ethnicity, the high crime rate, high suicide rate, the likelihood of a third JVP-style insurgency, violent trade union action and counter-action, ill effects of globalisation and political violence are possibilities. Tackling them takes a long time and until such time the country will have to live with them. It may be recalled that within 12 years of gaining Independence, a Prime Minister was gunned down in this country. Worse, the culprits were not punished! It bears testimony to the fact that there was ample violence in the society even before the eruption of war. Expecting a utopian peace in the short term is only foolhardy.
Is there an ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka? No, although there is an ethnic problem and a conflict there is not ethnic. In the contemporary Sri Lankan society in government controlled areas there is ethnic unity in spite of war in some parts of the country. If the conflict were an ethnic conflict, Colombo would be the battlefield, not the Vanni!
Unfortunately, these four trivial and straightforward issues dominate the discussion about political solutions and as a result, real issues have gone unaddressed.
The biggest hindrance to solving the ethnic problem is that it has at least two contradictory definitions. There is no possibility that these contradictory definitions reconciled.
Definition Number One (as the majority Sinhalese see it)
Ethnic Problem is the lack of unity among people of various ethnicities and the lack of ethnic diversity in some parts of the country.
This is the popular view. Unity – coexistence, interdependence and harmony among people of various ethnicities in Sri Lanka – is an untold success story. There is no ethnic disunity in any part of the government controlled area. Every district of Sri Lanka is home to thousands of Tamils. However, divisive forces are still at play. They play the race-card for their survival. A good example is race-based political parties. Although a large number of Tamils and most Muslims have embraced the two national political parties, race-based political parties still exist. Their very survival depends on ethnic division.
Also there are at least three districts in the north where Sinhala and Muslim civilians were completely ethnically cleansed by the LTTE. Today Sinhalas and Muslims cannot live in these districts because of their ethnicity. Stemming from this is the other aspect of the problem: lack of ethnic diversity in the north. Vast resources including the expanses of land in the north must be available to people of all ethnicities.
A political solution should strengthen unity among ethnicities and do away with demarcations and divisions and enhance ethnic diversity in the north. For such a solution, there is no need to create regions vested with power, no need for devolution, no need to have racial bargaining and absolutely no necessity to entertain racial aspirations.
The argument that devolution should be based on development doesn’t hold water. Undeveloped areas could be developed through a national development plan, rather than through a regional development plan. The tragic failure of the Provincial Councils in carrying out development work is only too well known. This has happened despite the fact that all those councils have at their helm the same ruling party as the centre. But, at the same time, it is not difficult to imagine what would happen if two different parties came to power at the centre and in the PCs. There are enough and more local government bodies like municipal councils, urban councils and Pradeshiya Sabhas and they can handle all regional issues effectively.
The concept of ethnic homelands is totally rubbished by this view that only recognises one undivided nation for all the people to live everywhere. Race has no place in this definition. Grievance handling is done without regard to ethnicity. The overriding notion is that "Sri Lanka should be for all Sri Lankans".
The implementation of this solution depends on military operations and according to this school of thought the deployment of the military in any trouble spot is in order and democracy should be the basis of decision making.
Definition Number Two (as the Tamils see it)
The ‘Ethnic Problem’ is about not fulfilling Tamil aspirations. Tamil aspirations include the acceptance of the Tamil homeland, Tamil right of self-determination and Tamil nationality. Ethnicity matters most. If these demands cannot be granted outright, they must be granted in part. But in the short run something should be granted so it will help achieve the aforesaid aspirations in the long run.
The political solution would actually create disunity in the country to the extent that space is created for meeting Tamil aspirations. If the country remains unitary (the highest form of unity), there would be no space for Tamil aspirations. Too much unity means Tamils will have to conform to the general Sri Lankan values and lose their aspirations.
Tamil aspirations are that North and the East must be unified so that a large part of their "traditional Tamil homeland" will remain together. Colonisation schemes that cause demographic distortions of the north-east should stop. Regions should be vested with power, including legislative power and power over land. Power should be devolved to the largest possible unit created in the north-east. Development is a secondary objective as development without Tamil aspirations means nothing!
Race-based political parties are the key to governance and they must be promoted. The overriding concept is Tamil aspirations and Tamils, especially Eelam Tamils have a say in governance of the north-east whether they live in Sri Lanka or not. Tamil Diaspora’s role is critical.
Military operations stand in the way to peace according to this view. Essential military activities may be carried out, but they too should cease at the earliest. Certainly no large "occupying army" should be stationed in the Tamil majority areas. Democracy alone cannot guarantee this type of a resolution. Therefore, a certain amount of imposition is needed as a counter to the majoritarian rule. Help and pressure of international actors are essential for finding a solution.
Contradictory
These definitions (the first definition and the second definition) contradict each other. What’s more interesting is that a solution found according to one view becomes a problem according to the other.
Suppose a solution was introduced that further strengthens the unitary status of Sri Lanka, allows "colonisation" of the north, helps national political parties to gradually replace race-based political parties or establishes a grievance handling procedure without regard to race, that "solution" will be seen as the intensification of the ethnic problem by those who hold the opposing view.
Similarly, if a solution introduces a federal structure in place of the present unitary structure, starts addressing race-based grievances and addressing problems from a racial perspective or further strengthens race-based political parties, according to the definition number one, this "solution" would amount to the worsening of the ethnic problem.
One man’s solution is another’s problem!
All the pundits who advocate an unspecified political solution carefully avoid this reality. Those who suggest specific solutions, try to impose themselves on others. No attempt has been made to understand and appreciate these differences. It must be noted that no lasting solution can be evolved at the expense of the interests of either of these two groups. These two views cannot coexist as they contradict each other. Superficial attempts to reconcile the two fail to bridge differences that arise outside the drawing board.
A Compromise
Theoretically, a compromise should be possible. However, given the completely opposing views, a compromised solution will not work at all. A compromise between the two would only disappoint both groups and aggravate the problem. This has happened too many times in the past. A worse situation can arise from a compromise. If only one party compromises, the other (the uncompromising party) can demand further compromises. This way the uncompromising party can gradually push the other party to an extreme. Unfortunately, this is what has happened with all political solutions Sri Lanka has experimented with. Tamil Elamists demanded compromise after compromise from the other side while not budging a bit themselves. Their greed knows no bounds that they ultimately led to the total breakdown of the political process. Certainly, a compromise is not going to work again; it will only disappoint both groups and drive them to extremism.
Ignoring the problem is another way to handle it, rather than complicate matters! Most Lankan politicians opted for that easy wayout.
However, the ethnic problem demands a solution.
What should the solution be?
The solution is out there
The ethnic problem coupled with the war, wreaked havoc throughout the country; mostly in the north-east. Commander after commander waged war in the north-east in search of peace. Tigers in turn bombed civilians in the south umpteen times. Amidst all these chaos, there are people who found solace, harmony and relative peace. They ran to these oases in hundreds of thousands from warzones.
There is a big difference between where they ran from and where they ran to. They essentially ran from mono-ethnic enclaves in the north to multiethnic communities in the south. Race mattered most in the mono ethnic enclave but it mattered less in multi ethnic communities. Belonging to the "right" race was a prerequisite to live in the mono ethnic north but was not so important in the multiethnic community in the south.
Had they waited till politicians found a solution to their problems, they would have died by now! Not only did they run to the solution, they became an integral part of the solution! Unfortunate events of 1983 didn’t repeat thereafter thanks to the multiethnic community that flourished in the South. Few unfortunate matters that affected only a fraction of the Tamil community in the South have happened but they left hundreds of thousands of Tamils without a scratch. Unfortunately, the North was cursed with tribalism and ethnic isolation which further bred intolerance.
If the Southern model is introduced to the North, it will be as peaceful as the South. Of course it will not solve the terrorist element which has to be addressed militarily.
This solution, although it looks like a combination of the above discussed solutions, is actually divorced from both views. It is not based on any theory to begin with. It all started when people themselves found a solution out of the mess that existed around them.
Politicians, academics, professionals, diplomats, priests and even Maharishis can split hairs and argue for importing alien solutions, but none will work so well as the people’s solution has worked.
Also it is a fact of life that some problems do not have solutions. For instance there is no room for a separate Tamil (or Sinhala or Muslim) nation in the island of Sri Lanka. This fact must be formally established. That will not give any solace to those who want it, but it will help them recover from the misery of not having a solution to their problem. No solution can equally satisfy all.
By Thomas Johnpulle
The Sri Lanka Guardian
Monday, February 23, 2009
Can IT help develop Sri Lanka
Information Technology today is a vast field spreading its roots to the nooks corners of every economic aspect of life. Having said the same presence of IT dose not necessarily make things happen, until it is being applied to the context of efficiency improvement.
IT can be used to help our economy, mainly in two directions.
Specialists will emerge from practice, if we do not practice it is difficult to produce a workforce with those skills. Repetitive outsourcing jobs do not produce high skilled innovators, where encouraging small entrepreneurs to work on verticals would produce more specialists. The fortunate situation in IT indsutry,unlike any other industry is the initial investments are not that high and the number of people to start is also not so critical.
Recently I saw our Hon. President has appointed an Indian as his IT adviser, which that person has refused to accept for certain reasons. Hon. President, while India is very strong in IT, they are in a different business paradigm, their business model would not work for us. Further, there are enough Sri Lankan's (many who are living even abroad) who will be willing to give you advice on what is right for our tiny nation. Ask for it, you will have our heart and soul with you.
I can point few things that we should do, if we are to really use IT for our economic development.
On the other hand development of expertise and enterprises
IT can be used to help our economy, mainly in two directions.
- Usage of IT for improving the internal efficiencies of our complete Eco system, including government, corporates, enterprises, industries to individuals, reducing cost of production and improving the quality
- Ability of exporting the expertise in IT to other countries, commonly known as outsourcing
Specialists will emerge from practice, if we do not practice it is difficult to produce a workforce with those skills. Repetitive outsourcing jobs do not produce high skilled innovators, where encouraging small entrepreneurs to work on verticals would produce more specialists. The fortunate situation in IT indsutry,unlike any other industry is the initial investments are not that high and the number of people to start is also not so critical.
Recently I saw our Hon. President has appointed an Indian as his IT adviser, which that person has refused to accept for certain reasons. Hon. President, while India is very strong in IT, they are in a different business paradigm, their business model would not work for us. Further, there are enough Sri Lankan's (many who are living even abroad) who will be willing to give you advice on what is right for our tiny nation. Ask for it, you will have our heart and soul with you.
I can point few things that we should do, if we are to really use IT for our economic development.
- Apply IT for internal processes to improve efficiency
- Create more number of smaller IT related businesses in the country
- We should have a ministry for IT (any way we have so many ministries, what difference it makes having one more). Currently it is mixed with science and Technology which is much more broader to handled by one minister. Then we need to find someone who is young and enterprising who can take the lead in. (just for an example see when Dr Palitha Kohona speaks in international PR)
- We should have compiled our citizen database ( we have been talking, ...... and still do). The story so far is we have made it so complicated and we invited large international companies to design it for us, where still nothing happens. Hon. President, this should be one of your accelerated programmes (like "maga neguma"), we should do it in months, not years. Also we don't need so many experts, let us do it ourselves. It cannot be a miraculeous job to create a 20 million record database.
- Why cant RMV(registrar of motor vehicles), Registrar of Persons, Elections commissioner and Police use a common database. They don't work together, ask if they do!!! Without this there are isolated islands of information, recollected many times without any significant proactive usage. Imagine if this information is available it can be simply be dissminated for authentication and verification of citizens and vehicles, driving licenses etc. If you drive around you will know how many times your ID number and Vehicle number is manually written down by officers, without any ability of cross referencing the information they see. (since this is a seperte topic itself, I would write an another article on this)
- Once we achieve these basic infrastructure, link income tax to all the other citizen services. Don't think too complex. The more complex you think would take more time. All IT systems need to be improved over period of time, faster than you think.
- Once we achieve this we need to link all the citizens and enterprises to the same system
On the other hand development of expertise and enterprises
- Promote local IT services companies against the rest, but ask them to be certified , dont use tender conditions such as last year revenue which will disqualify all local bidders (instead of revenue measure the capabilities) - if tender processes are not correct- change those.
- Promote smaller IT companies more - take their taxes off - Trust me they will bring foreign exchange when they are up and running
- Create more environment for research, tell the problems you have and asked people to come up with solutions - Don't publish tender documents prepared by people who has no knowledge to write specifications - if rules need to change - change those!
- Provide the infrastructure - not the capital - Innovative IT projects do not need large sums of capital, but innovatie thinking and proper infrastructure to survive.
Why the Federal System of India is Unsuitable for Sri Lanka
By CASC
The population of Sri Lanka is slightly less than the major metro areas of India. Also, the Indian union is organized around linguistic units. People in Sabaragamuwa speak the same language as the people in the South or NCP. We have no regional linguistic differences within communities.
One of the trends in post independent India has been for states to break up into even more smaller units. In 1970, the north eastern region of India was one state. Today it is seven states.
Also, imagine giving police powers to these local units after having an armed terrorist movement for the last 25 years. It is a dangerous recipe and a formula for disaster.
The provincial council system in Sri Lanka is testimony to the waste of resources and dysfuntion that results from devolving power to local governments in a small country.
The population of Sri Lanka is slightly less than the major metro areas of India. Also, the Indian union is organized around linguistic units. People in Sabaragamuwa speak the same language as the people in the South or NCP. We have no regional linguistic differences within communities.
One of the trends in post independent India has been for states to break up into even more smaller units. In 1970, the north eastern region of India was one state. Today it is seven states.
Also, imagine giving police powers to these local units after having an armed terrorist movement for the last 25 years. It is a dangerous recipe and a formula for disaster.
The provincial council system in Sri Lanka is testimony to the waste of resources and dysfuntion that results from devolving power to local governments in a small country.
LTTE Supporters Rationale for Eelam Debunked!
The following debate is between an LTTE supporter (Sivanesan) and a Sri Lankan Patriot (Dinky Winky) from DefenceWire.blogspot.com blog .
Enough is enough
Lets set the record right .Since there is 03 generations of lies propagated by the opportunistic Tamils.This conflict was never about discrimination since by and large discrimination never existed among the ordinary people of sri Lanka .This is all about elite tamils loosing there prefered status conferred on them by the british and the cast system. The bait was mythical tamil ealam Unfortunately the so called low cast tamils become the cat's paw this is still a stuggle of elite tamils of jaffna faought by the misguided youth who are supposed to be ( Majority of them ) so called low cast tamils [The cast system is still very strong among tamils]
The following are a few which they make a huge cry about but all base less accusations blown out of proportion to suit their ealam concept.
Ealam concept contrary to the popular belief this has its roots as far back as 1922 and is a offshoot of the great dravidian nation mindset of certain tamils which is a superiority complex which arises out of an inferiority complex(just do a google search on these two terms and most of the behavioral patterns of these monkeys can be explained)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Superiority_complex
http://www.stopdepressiontoday.com/stop-your-inferiority-complex-now.html
lets examine few of the cries of tamil elamists
CLAIM: In 1956 the Sinhala Only Act was introduced completely discriminating Tamils.
Sinhala only act? Correction”The name is Official Language Act No 33 of 1956 which made Sinhala The official language of Sri lanka removing English . and sinhala was the language used by apx 75% of the citizens of SL at that time
Why was Tamils complaining of some thing they never had what was the official language before 1956. English so if you find it fit to learn English why can’t you learn Sinhala being the language of the majority .and this was implemented only for the state service not for the private sector why the fuss .USA has a Spanish community, Canada has a large Tamil Community, and do you work in your own language. This act has nothing to do with Tamil it was created to take out the power wielded by English Speaking people who were a mere fraction at that time. But due to the divide & rule policy of the briitsh Tamils were given preference in govt. opportunities you lost that. Does India consider Tamil as its official language although it has millions of Tamils .Just because a particular community, a dialect has a geographical concentration it is not a reason to make it an official language .Well we have done that too what more are you asking.
CLAIM: In 1958 Mr SWRD Bandaranayake (a great statesman) identified the problem and drafted a federal solution using his exceptional intellectual ability and exceptional foresight. But the Sangha and extremists managed to stop it.
The elam concept was already in force by this time. The Tamil Elam concept was inaugurated by Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam in 1922. Extracts from his speech to The Ceylon tamil league as the founder of the same
“It has far higher aims in view, namely to keep alive and propagate these precious ideals throughout Ceylon, Southern India and the Tamil Colonies, to promote the union and solidarity of Tamilakam, the Tamil Land.
We should keep alive and propagate these ideals throughout Ceylon and promote the union and solidarity of what we have been proud to call Tamil Eelam.
Then 1931 the 50-50 demand by GG ponnambalam when the sinhalease consists of 65% of the population .Lackily this was rejected by the Donoughmore Commission What is the need for federal because it can be a stepping stone for elam luckily it was stopped if not the mythical state of elam would have being a reality dividing thisland on ethnic lines.
CLAIM: In 1972 standardization was implemented and this discriminated Tamils beyond belief. Northern province offers little opportunities and education is everything. You take it away from Tamils and they will not have any livelihood left.
Another load of crap Standerdization discriminated tamils how? This was brought in to give a equal opportunity for all in education .Due to this students coming from areas where there are good educational facilities needed to score more .True jaffna students needed to score more marks simply due to better educational facilities there. then again students fron batticola ,vaunia & trincomalee, mannar got the benefit in the same way students from Colombo has to score more marks than the students from nuwaraeliya there was no racical discrimination don’t lie
CLAIM: 1983 July riots (Black July)
Ordinary sinhala people were never a part of this and this was not instigated by the sinhala majority but by a few thugs then why is tamil community holding the 83 riots against the sinhalease. Riots were bad I never condone it but let me brief you about the situation in 83 by that time the sri lankan Millitary was more of a ceremonial nature and did not have the capability of rapid deployment island wide unlike today further the numbers were not adequate so it was a logistical nightmare to do a large scale mobilization so by the time the military was mobilized and the situation was brought under control the damage was done.
CLAIM: There was a separate Tamil Kingdom in Jaffna extending to parts of Wanni and parts of the East.Of course it is not as old as Anurathapura, Polonnarawa but it was there when the Europeans arrived.
Kingdom ??? You call it a kingdom when there is a clear administrative structure, A monetary system, Law and order and there is conscious efforts by the ruler to uplift the living standards of its subjects .There are state sponsored development initiatives .developed cities , Are any of these present in the so called mythical jaffna kingdom .strangely NO not a single archaological evidence to substantiate this do you know why this is only a rough rule and none of the people ever considered this as their homeland they were temporary settlers here for various reasons and their attachment in mind & sole was to tamilnadu where there is enough evidence of the rise and development of the tamil people and the tamil nation
CLAIM: From 1948 onwards governments colonised the North & East deliberately changing the ethnic composition. There are enough land in Sinhala areas. Let people come, don't bring them forcefully.
Colonization my foot .This is a utter lie please read
'State aided colonization' - Facts and Fiction
By: Ceil .D. Dharmasena - (Retired Deputy Director of the department of Agriculture and former Director of environment authority and Mahawali Authority) http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20060720_04
The land belong to to the state unless you have the title to it so the state decide the best economic use of it
CLAIM: We have no problem with Sinhala majority in Sinhala areas. Similarly let Tamils run the Tamil majority areas in one country. Isn't it fair?
What is the governance you want
We( The central government) reserve the rights to The foreign policy, Defense & Police , judiciary and the territorial waters of Sri lanka
CLAIM: If Tamils are given a governance responsibility they will feel they are part of Sri Lanka
If not for this Terrorism and LTTE eliminating tamil leaders we could have seen a tamil prime minister in Hon. Lakshman Kadiragamar & Hon. Jeyaraj .Fernandopulle Don’t blame the sinhalease for the mistakes of others
CLAIM: If reasonable devolution is given allowing Tamils the right to make laws, manage lands, administer policing in their areas
The answer is NO .There should be no devolution on ethnic lines why should there be a devolution of power to 10% of the people in a country (Current status of the tamil population is apx 7%-10%)then what about the rest of the people.Is there any thing that the ordinary tamil people donot have that an ordinary citizen of Sri Lanka have .This discrimination story is all cock and bull
CLAIM: Apart from Kadir no Tamil was given such very high office.
This is another lie every government office have tamils working in the senior management if im to compile a list this space would be not enough ( talk to public administration department they have the details )ewhich could be well above the ethnic ratio what dose it tell appointments are based on merit.But there is a problem due to the war the entire education structure of North and east did not function as intended so dont blame the rest of the country blame the LTTE the long standing repercussions of this will be felt by the tamils in future due to a scarcity of educated & qualified tamil intellectuals
CLAIM: If a federal solution is given the Tamil diaspora will not have any demands. They will invest in Sri Lanka.
Who cares about the demands of tamil diaspora those who funded terrorism will be followed up and dealt with accordingly as per the law the necessary legislation is already in place.
CLAIM: The whole world has agreed that a federal solution will work.
There is no ethnic problem here in Sri Lanka So there is no need of a federal solution the provincial system is more than adequate to tackle the every day problems of the citizens of this country if the elected people are suitable.Any solution should be exceptable to Sri Lankans here the world opinion is secondary and has has minimal impact on a sustainable action.
Enough is enough
Lets set the record right .Since there is 03 generations of lies propagated by the opportunistic Tamils.This conflict was never about discrimination since by and large discrimination never existed among the ordinary people of sri Lanka .This is all about elite tamils loosing there prefered status conferred on them by the british and the cast system. The bait was mythical tamil ealam Unfortunately the so called low cast tamils become the cat's paw this is still a stuggle of elite tamils of jaffna faought by the misguided youth who are supposed to be ( Majority of them ) so called low cast tamils [The cast system is still very strong among tamils]
The following are a few which they make a huge cry about but all base less accusations blown out of proportion to suit their ealam concept.
Ealam concept contrary to the popular belief this has its roots as far back as 1922 and is a offshoot of the great dravidian nation mindset of certain tamils which is a superiority complex which arises out of an inferiority complex(just do a google search on these two terms and most of the behavioral patterns of these monkeys can be explained)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Superiority_complex
http://www.stopdepressiontoday.com/stop-your-inferiority-complex-now.html
lets examine few of the cries of tamil elamists
CLAIM: In 1956 the Sinhala Only Act was introduced completely discriminating Tamils.
Sinhala only act? Correction”The name is Official Language Act No 33 of 1956 which made Sinhala The official language of Sri lanka removing English . and sinhala was the language used by apx 75% of the citizens of SL at that time
Why was Tamils complaining of some thing they never had what was the official language before 1956. English so if you find it fit to learn English why can’t you learn Sinhala being the language of the majority .and this was implemented only for the state service not for the private sector why the fuss .USA has a Spanish community, Canada has a large Tamil Community, and do you work in your own language. This act has nothing to do with Tamil it was created to take out the power wielded by English Speaking people who were a mere fraction at that time. But due to the divide & rule policy of the briitsh Tamils were given preference in govt. opportunities you lost that. Does India consider Tamil as its official language although it has millions of Tamils .Just because a particular community, a dialect has a geographical concentration it is not a reason to make it an official language .Well we have done that too what more are you asking.
CLAIM: In 1958 Mr SWRD Bandaranayake (a great statesman) identified the problem and drafted a federal solution using his exceptional intellectual ability and exceptional foresight. But the Sangha and extremists managed to stop it.
The elam concept was already in force by this time. The Tamil Elam concept was inaugurated by Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam in 1922. Extracts from his speech to The Ceylon tamil league as the founder of the same
“It has far higher aims in view, namely to keep alive and propagate these precious ideals throughout Ceylon, Southern India and the Tamil Colonies, to promote the union and solidarity of Tamilakam, the Tamil Land.
We should keep alive and propagate these ideals throughout Ceylon and promote the union and solidarity of what we have been proud to call Tamil Eelam.
Then 1931 the 50-50 demand by GG ponnambalam when the sinhalease consists of 65% of the population .Lackily this was rejected by the Donoughmore Commission What is the need for federal because it can be a stepping stone for elam luckily it was stopped if not the mythical state of elam would have being a reality dividing thisland on ethnic lines.
CLAIM: In 1972 standardization was implemented and this discriminated Tamils beyond belief. Northern province offers little opportunities and education is everything. You take it away from Tamils and they will not have any livelihood left.
Another load of crap Standerdization discriminated tamils how? This was brought in to give a equal opportunity for all in education .Due to this students coming from areas where there are good educational facilities needed to score more .True jaffna students needed to score more marks simply due to better educational facilities there. then again students fron batticola ,vaunia & trincomalee, mannar got the benefit in the same way students from Colombo has to score more marks than the students from nuwaraeliya there was no racical discrimination don’t lie
CLAIM: 1983 July riots (Black July)
Ordinary sinhala people were never a part of this and this was not instigated by the sinhala majority but by a few thugs then why is tamil community holding the 83 riots against the sinhalease. Riots were bad I never condone it but let me brief you about the situation in 83 by that time the sri lankan Millitary was more of a ceremonial nature and did not have the capability of rapid deployment island wide unlike today further the numbers were not adequate so it was a logistical nightmare to do a large scale mobilization so by the time the military was mobilized and the situation was brought under control the damage was done.
CLAIM: There was a separate Tamil Kingdom in Jaffna extending to parts of Wanni and parts of the East.Of course it is not as old as Anurathapura, Polonnarawa but it was there when the Europeans arrived.
Kingdom ??? You call it a kingdom when there is a clear administrative structure, A monetary system, Law and order and there is conscious efforts by the ruler to uplift the living standards of its subjects .There are state sponsored development initiatives .developed cities , Are any of these present in the so called mythical jaffna kingdom .strangely NO not a single archaological evidence to substantiate this do you know why this is only a rough rule and none of the people ever considered this as their homeland they were temporary settlers here for various reasons and their attachment in mind & sole was to tamilnadu where there is enough evidence of the rise and development of the tamil people and the tamil nation
CLAIM: From 1948 onwards governments colonised the North & East deliberately changing the ethnic composition. There are enough land in Sinhala areas. Let people come, don't bring them forcefully.
Colonization my foot .This is a utter lie please read
'State aided colonization' - Facts and Fiction
By: Ceil .D. Dharmasena - (Retired Deputy Director of the department of Agriculture and former Director of environment authority and Mahawali Authority) http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20060720_04
The land belong to to the state unless you have the title to it so the state decide the best economic use of it
CLAIM: We have no problem with Sinhala majority in Sinhala areas. Similarly let Tamils run the Tamil majority areas in one country. Isn't it fair?
What is the governance you want
We( The central government) reserve the rights to The foreign policy, Defense & Police , judiciary and the territorial waters of Sri lanka
CLAIM: If Tamils are given a governance responsibility they will feel they are part of Sri Lanka
If not for this Terrorism and LTTE eliminating tamil leaders we could have seen a tamil prime minister in Hon. Lakshman Kadiragamar & Hon. Jeyaraj .Fernandopulle Don’t blame the sinhalease for the mistakes of others
CLAIM: If reasonable devolution is given allowing Tamils the right to make laws, manage lands, administer policing in their areas
The answer is NO .There should be no devolution on ethnic lines why should there be a devolution of power to 10% of the people in a country (Current status of the tamil population is apx 7%-10%)then what about the rest of the people.Is there any thing that the ordinary tamil people donot have that an ordinary citizen of Sri Lanka have .This discrimination story is all cock and bull
CLAIM: Apart from Kadir no Tamil was given such very high office.
This is another lie every government office have tamils working in the senior management if im to compile a list this space would be not enough ( talk to public administration department they have the details )ewhich could be well above the ethnic ratio what dose it tell appointments are based on merit.But there is a problem due to the war the entire education structure of North and east did not function as intended so dont blame the rest of the country blame the LTTE the long standing repercussions of this will be felt by the tamils in future due to a scarcity of educated & qualified tamil intellectuals
CLAIM: If a federal solution is given the Tamil diaspora will not have any demands. They will invest in Sri Lanka.
Who cares about the demands of tamil diaspora those who funded terrorism will be followed up and dealt with accordingly as per the law the necessary legislation is already in place.
CLAIM: The whole world has agreed that a federal solution will work.
There is no ethnic problem here in Sri Lanka So there is no need of a federal solution the provincial system is more than adequate to tackle the every day problems of the citizens of this country if the elected people are suitable.Any solution should be exceptable to Sri Lankans here the world opinion is secondary and has has minimal impact on a sustainable action.
Demise of the Tamil Tigers? Perhaps, but an Appreciation
By Zachary Abuza
February 23, 2009 10:27 AM
“The report of my death is an exaggeration” – Mark Twain
While I would love to eulogize about the death of the Tamil Tigers, it is of course premature. However, I offer this “appreciation” of the Tamil Tigers, an organization that has been, bar none, the most cutting-edge, adaptive and creative terrorist organization in the world. There is not a terrorist organization in the world that has not adopted LTTE tactics or at least aspired to do so. As the LTTE has never targeted the United States, it has been a low priority for law enforcement, military and the intelligence services. Yet, the Tamil Tigers merit study.
Founded in May 1976, by Villupilai Prabhakaran, the Tamil Tigers – formerly the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) – grew from being a several thousand man guerilla force to being at its height a conventional force with some 10,000 combatants. Though their military collapse since mid 2006, has been surprisingly swift, one cannot forget that for years, they fought the Sri Lankan military to a standstill and controlled a significant amount of territory. Their nearly forty-year struggle is highlighted by firsts and superlatives:
• The LTTE have perpetrated more suicide bombings than Hamas and Hezbollah combined.
• The LTTE’s suicide vest design has been copied by nearly a dozen organizations.
• The LTTE is an equal opportunity employer: the LTTE has used female bombers in a more than 3-2 ratio. The LTTE fields a conventional women’s corp.
• The LTTE has used suicide bombing as a weapon of choice in terms of targeted assassination, including the 1991 assassination of Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the near assassination of Sri Lankan President Kumaratanga in 1999. The LTTE assassinated nearly 50 prominent moderate Tamil leaders, and is estimated to have killed thousands of moderate and anti-LTTE Tamils.
• The LTTE has used suicide frogman and other special operatives to penetrate far behind enemy lines.
• The LTTE targeted pillars of the Sri Lankan economy, including bombings of the Central Bank in 1996 and Columbo’s World Trade Center in 1997. In 2001, LTTE operatives penetrated the international airport and destroyed three jetliners, half of Airlanka’s fleet, in addition to 23 military aircraft.
• The LTTE was the first organization to post martyrs’ posters for the “Black Tigers” their suicide corp.
• The LTTE is the first sub state actor to use suicide naval vessels. There have been over 40 suicide naval attacks since June 1990, seven years before the USS Cole attack.
• The LTTE had a full-fledged navy, and many of their craft were indigenously designed and built. Sri Lankan forces recently captured a submarine in its final stages of construction.
• The LTTE was one of only two terrorist organizations to use a WMD (the other being Aom Shinrikyo). The Tigers used a chlorine gas bomb against Sri Lankan forces in 1990.
• The LTTE became the first sub-state actor to acquire an air force. Though used in desperation over the weekend, in two attempted “kamikaze” attacks, the LTTE has used their Czech trainers 9 times since March 2007 Sri Lankan forces captured six airfields in LTTE territory.
While their innovations on the battlefield were remarkable, it is nothing in terms of their innovations in finance and logistics. In short, the LTTE wrote the book on terrorist financing. Originally supported by India, the Tigers, turned on their patron in 1987, and since pursued a policy of self-reliance. The “Snow Tigers” under the leadership Tharmalingham Shunmugham aka Kumaran Pathmanathan (KP), have funded themselves through legal and extralegal means and have procurement operatives based in around the world.
The LTTE have used arms dealers in Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, Lebanon, Egypt and Cyprus; shopped black markets in former war zones – Cambodia (Thailand), Afghanistan, Mozambique and the former Yugoslavia; and shopped the countries of the former Soviet bloc - Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Ukraine, Slovakia and Kazakstan, as well as North Korea and China. In one famed case, China North Industries Corp (Norinco) sold the LTTE two consignments of assault rifles, light artillery, rockets and ammunition, each large enough to fill a 230-foot cargo ship. The purchases in September 2003 and October 2004 were arranged through a middleman and certified with North Korean “end user” documents. The Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksapersonally appealed to Chinese leaders in Beijing in February 2007 to halt a third consignment. One senior procurement officer arrested had a laptop with spreadsheets detailing more than $13 million in payments in the summer of 2006 for military equipment, including anti-aircraft guns and 100 tons of high explosives. His passport showed more than 100 trips in the past five years to countries such as China, Kenya.
The Tiger’s revenue stream has been estimated to be between $50 to $80 million per year. The money was diversified and invested around the world in money and stock markets through an array of front companies.
The LTTE invest directly or front money for supporters as a terrorist venture capitalist, in freight forwarding, gold and jewelry shops, restaurants, magazines and video sales, stores, bus companies, telephone and computer services. At one time, the Tigers owned and operated 11 merchant ships, flying under the flags of Panama, Honduras and Liberia, repeatedly changing the name of the ships, and manifest details.
More money came from illicit sources, including, racketeering, extortion, drug smuggling, money laundering, gold smuggling, and human smuggling. The LTTE have been behind some of the largest human trafficking rings in the European Union.
Perhaps the single-most important revenue stream is a baseline tax on the 800,000-strong Tamil diaspora, known as the Tamil Tax. They are most active in countries with large diaspora communities, especially, Canada, Switzerland, Australia, UK, US, Scandinavia, Malaysia, and Singapore. Canadian security forces estimated that the LTTE earned $6.5 million from investments in Canada between October 1998 - October 1999. The Canadian intelligence report estimated that Tamil communities in the UK, Canada and Australia, alone, provided $1.5 million per month. In Canada, the tax began as roughly C$1/day per family, though was increased. In the UK it’s roughly £300 per year.
Increasingly the LTTE has been an issue for USA law enforcement. Though proscribed by the US in 1997, there were few enforcements, until after 9/11 when the US took terrorist financing more seriously, and had to target more than just Muslim organizations and individuals for appearance’s sake. Currently, the FBI is investigating a Wall Street financier suspected of donating millions of dollars to the rebels, while an employee of Microsoft was indicted for procuring computers and software for the Tigers. Recently, 8 suspects were arrested in an ATM fraud scandal in NY. In April 2007, the FBI arrested the alleged U.S. director of the Tigers and 11 other LTTE suspects in the New York City region. In Baltimore, “a pair of Indonesian men pled guilty and were sentenced recently for working with others to export surface to air missiles, state-of-the-art firearms, machine guns, and night vision goggles to the Tigers in Sri Lanka.”
On 15 November 2007, the Treasury Department, proscribed the LTTE’s development agency, established after the 26 October 2004 tsunami, the Tamil Relief Organization. “TRO passed off its operations as charitable, when in fact it was raising money for a designated terrorist group responsible for heinous acts of terrorism," said Adam J. Szubin, Director of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). “TRO's efforts worldwide reportedly have allowed the LTTE to use humanitarian aid, which TRO collected from the international community after the December 2004 tsunami, to launch new campaigns to strengthen LTTE military capacity.”
Since the 22 February 2002 Norwegian-backed ceasefire fell apart, and all out war resumed in September 2006, the Tamil’s demise has been surprisingly swift. They are now confined to a small patch of jungle (roughly 35 sq miles) north of Mulitaivu, on the northeastern coast. Why the quick demise? Clearly the thirty years of war wreaked havoc on society, and proved to be a demographic catastrophe. As a result, the LTTE have been forced to rely on child soldiers, limiting their battlefield efficacy. An Amnesty International report estimated that 60 percent of LTTE cadres are under the age of 18 and that 40 percent of LTTE cadres killed in action are between the ages of 9 and 18. While these estimates seem slightly high, there is no doubt that the LTTE had to recruit child combatants to fill their depleted ranks. Second, the Sri Lankan military, never the most apt, had a string of successes. They captured the Tamil city of Jaffna in 1995, then were able to target the LTTE from both the north and the south. Following the 2005 election of the hardline president Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Sri Lankan armed forces increased in size by 40%. Sri Lanka's military now has about 300,000 troops, in a country with a population of just 22 million. Popular support for the government’s war efforts, now that the LTTE is on the ropes, has rarely been higher. The Tamil cities of Killinochi and Mulitaivu fell this year, depriving the LTTE of concentrated populations centers and a base of revenue. Third, the once cohesive LTTE began to fracture. In 2004, Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan, aka Col. Karuna, who controlled the eastern provinces, defected with his forces to the government. Disputes over the inflow of aid following the 2004 tsunami, led to further infighting. As ceasefire violations increased in 2003-06, it was clear that Prabakharan had no intention of giving the ceasefire a chance, angering his war-weary population and rank and file soldiers. In fact, the LTTE had used three previous ceasefires (1985, 1989-90, and 1994-95) as opportunities to regroup and re-arm. Finally, the post-9/11 environment had severe repercussions for LTTE fundraising and weapons procurement. Prabhakaran, himself, acknowledged that the LTTE had been "compelled by unprecedented historical circumstances to participate in [the 2002-04] peace talks with the Sinhalese state," first by the "Indian regional superpower" and "by the pressure of the international community.”
What to expect? There is nothing more ferocious than a cornered tiger. Expect a wave of suicide bombings and other terrorist attacks. While LTTE forces might be cornered, the LTTE has operatives and caches spread out. Desperate times call for desperate measures, including attacks on their own civilian population fleeing the war zone. Expect more attacks on moderate Tamil leaders who seek greater autonomy through legal-parliamentary means. If Prabakharan is captured or killed, the LTTE will be greatly weakened. He is the charismatic leader, the embodiment of the revolution. There is no heir to power with his popular appeal/fear or respect from rank and file.
Finally, the Tigers will regroup, for no other reason than the government’s failings. Despite the defection of Col. Karuna in 2004, the government failed to bring in meaningful development projects and give the Tamil community the degree of political and social autonomy that was promised to them. Sri Lankan military forces act with impunity and have been behind egregious human rights violations. There must be justice as well as transparent government. The government must put in place legal protections for minorities and end the systematic discrimination of the Tamil community. Though Sri Lanka is in a position to win the war, they must not fail to win the peace.
LTTE Withdrawals from Peace Talks
LTTE withdrawals from Peace Talks
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June 11,1990 - Breaks off talks with Ranasinghe Premadasa Government and starts Eelam War two.
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April 19, 1995 - Breaks off talks with Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga Government. Begins Eelam war three by attacking Trincomalee Naval Base.
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April 21, 2003 - Withdraws from peace talks with Ranil Wickremesinghe Government. Continuously violates the CFA.
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December, 2005 - LTTE begins Eelam War four.
Target 500 to 1000 litres of fuel per day:
By Chamikara Weerasinghe
The Central Environment Authority has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with an inventor to convert the world’s most daunting environmental problem of plastic waste into petrol in a Rs 100 million project.
The project will be introduced under the Authority’s National Waste Management Program.
Ananda Vithanage, a resident from Yatiyantota is the inventor of the technology for converting plastic waste into fuel. He had formerly served the Police department, Central Environment Authority (CEA) sources said.
CEA Director General Pasan Gunasena said the conversion technology has been sanctioned by the Chemical Engineering Unit of the Moratuwa University as correct and commercially viable.
The Authority plans to set up a mini- conversion plant at Yatiyantota at a cost of Rs. 12 million to process polythene and plastic waste to generate fuel under the pilot project, he said.
CEA Chairman Udaya Gammanpila said the country will be able to save a lot of foreign exchange once the project gets underway.
He said the project is expected to produce 500 to 1000 litres of fuel per day."
The Central Environment Authority has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with an inventor to convert the world’s most daunting environmental problem of plastic waste into petrol in a Rs 100 million project.
The project will be introduced under the Authority’s National Waste Management Program.
Ananda Vithanage, a resident from Yatiyantota is the inventor of the technology for converting plastic waste into fuel. He had formerly served the Police department, Central Environment Authority (CEA) sources said.
CEA Director General Pasan Gunasena said the conversion technology has been sanctioned by the Chemical Engineering Unit of the Moratuwa University as correct and commercially viable.
The Authority plans to set up a mini- conversion plant at Yatiyantota at a cost of Rs. 12 million to process polythene and plastic waste to generate fuel under the pilot project, he said.
CEA Chairman Udaya Gammanpila said the country will be able to save a lot of foreign exchange once the project gets underway.
He said the project is expected to produce 500 to 1000 litres of fuel per day."
Paper Planes
When they flew across Sri Lankan skies over Colombo on the night of 20th Friday [Feb 2009], the self styled terrorist ranks of Tamil Tiger Air Wing may have thought that success was written in gold for their mission. They had taken the small island nation for a free ride, by violating its air space with low flying light planes - mostly below radar detectable height - and gravity bombing hype and mystery. Purpose of their visits has never been benign, but this time the plot was even sinister. Instead of bombing targets off the high security zone and flying away with triumph, this time they pierced right through the Colombo HSZ, possibly targeting a VIP position on a journey of no return. They were attempting a suicide fly by.
Tamil Tigers, also known as LTTE, have brought a number of evil elements to the world. Tamil Tigers are the first to coin the term of “Suicide Bomber”. They have obtained some naval capacity [of the size of fishing trawlers], submersibles and light planes. They introduced internationally organized Credit Card Theft. They have extended the cutting edge of global terrorism to a new height, creating human catastrophes in many parts of Sri Lanka.
And their approaches have been copied fondly by other terror groups, like in the case of countless suicide bombing in Iraq and Pakistan and ambush style terror attack in Mumbai. This time they were trying to set up another chapter in Terrorist’s Cook Book on Kamikaze.
World has reacted to these wings of Satan in different ways. Having publically denounced the evil motto, many people seem to be fond of its operational detail and secretly admire the fiasco. Singers have sung and ethnic migrants have boasted, but world is yet to know that they are adoring a two horned bastard who threatens tomorrow’s aerial safety as a whole.
Like law, diplomacy and religion, terrorist philosophies fly over the country borders. Different terror groups adapt ideologies of one another. Like fashion, terrorist maneuvers are copied. In a world where technology marvels, there is no guarantee that another terror movement will not adapt flying examples of Tamil Tigers of today. It can happen in any place where they have significant cover for the safety of the machines - not only in third world, but also in first world. It is correct that all big nations are protected with significant air defence systems. But it is rather unknown to many that no nation is fully protected from aerial threats. Low flying small planes can get away from many radar systems. Also they can play a drama of benign agenda until they reach the Kamikaze target. This is a threat that world has not yet felt. And they admire the first terrorists to fly.
Of the possibilities, bombing is the least, has anyone calculated what kind of catastrophe they can create by spraying malicious material such as toxic gases, germs or nuke-waste. Tamil Tigers may have plotted all these. Who knows, they might do it tomorrow. It is a paramount responsibility of world as a whole to defeat such movements as soon as possible, before they become a legend and example for other jungle prowling terror masterminds, who mean nothing but doom.
Back to the story – With the approaching city skyscrapers, the terror pilot raised the altitude. At this night hours, crashing into one of the business centers would not cause much damage other than the loss of the flying machine. They needed a better target - perhaps some military establishment, maybe the President’s house or maybe they were looking for a place of public gathering. Tamil Tigers measure triumph in civilian head count – a diminishing habit from even the most uncivilized tribal regions of the world today.
Before we move further on the events unfolded on that decisive night it is important to go through the hype and myth of the air capabilities of Tamil Tigers. Is it a great feat to possess air capability for a terrorist movement? Surely it is one of the first occasions, but given the world order of today, and the volatility on anti-terror policies and foresight in Sri Lankan politics, it is not a magic at all. Let the facts speak.
Tamil Tigers are the wealthiest terrorist movement in the world, ahead of Al Qaeda [funded by millionaire supreme leader Osama Bin Laden], Colombian terrorists [humble cocaine traders], Hisbullah [allegedly funded by oil-rich Arab communities] and Somalian gangs [who mastered sea piracy for million dollar ransom]. They all envy the thick pocket of Velupille Prabhakaran, the elusive leader of Tamil Tigers. Bagging an annual global hat collection of more than USD200 million - mostly extorted from the ethnic Tamil immigrants in west - Tamil Tigers have other unaccounted income sources such as drug selling, human trafficking and credit card theft. Analysts speculate a staggering sum of USD one billion of annual revenue which is comparative to a national GDP of a smaller third world nation. In a world where many millionaires can afford for private jets and helicopters, Tamil Tigers are humbled to possess light planes only. Technically speaking it is a Mafia organization of global scale.
Like Al Qaeda who obtained training to fly Jumbo Jets in US, Tamil Tigers have trained their pilots overseas, hiding within the immigrant community. Apart from the newly trained inexperienced pilots, they seem to have employed mercenaries on bombing.
With wealth, logistics and expertise, they have shown a path for the jubilant terror supporters. It is to fly over anyone’s head and bomb if they do not listen to your demands. And the hype and myth has turned into legend and bandwagon. Ethnic Tamil pop star Methangi Arulprasagam aka MIA sang “Paper Planes” at the time Tamil Tigers acquired the flying capability. Her seemingly innocent song may be a coincidence, but the terror past of her father [Mr Arul Prasagam - former leader known as Arular in Tamil Tiger ranks] and terror bandwagon of her public appearances are not. Even for the song itself, MIA features gunshots in back ground. Following rather interesting segments are extracted from original lyrics.
“Pirate skulls and bones Sticks and stones and weed and bombs Running when we hit 'em Lethal poison through their system”
“Some some some I some I murder Some I some I let go”
MIA is free to express her views. But too many coincidences spawn a whirlpool of speculations. For an example her deceptive voice tells “bombs” in original song which is mostly interpreted as “bongs” elsewhere. Having preserved the freedom of expression, what right do we deserve to promote terrorism at its lethal height of aerial capability? Things to ponder.
The plane lowered between the skyscrapers. Except for one or two stubborn parties, the entire city was in self-inflicted darkness. The Defence Forces were ready from the moment they detected the threat. Many guns were waiting, one plane to fly, they were attempting yet another impossibility.
Inevitable happened at once. It is not clear who took the target. It can be a naval gun ship, a ground AA gun, or a shooter on a high rising building. In a sudden flare of light, the invader vanished into pieces, mostly damaging a government office building. Explosion was rather gigantic. Nevertheless two innocent bystanders paid ultimate price of terrorism while nearly fifty others received injuries, leaving the sadistic Tamil Tiger supporters with something to be happy about.
Moments later another plane was found crashed into an abandoned field near the main airport of the country. Signs of it being hit by AA gunfire were apparent.
Some believe that it is the end of the Tiger air capability. But it is unknown how many hidden sinister planes Tamil Tigers possess. In addition, there is no assurance that they will not acquire any in future, even after being deprived of their territorial control. You can fly a plane from anywhere, be it a neighboring country or mere ocean. And most importantly there is no assurance that other such movements will not adapt the newest weapon on terrorist range. The era invented by Tamil Tigers assures no one - anywhere in the world - free sleep, without the scare of sky falling on you. It is the era of terrorist flying.
In the current phase of this war, Sri Lanka has lived its moments of truth - the valuable proof that it would not kneel in front of the ruthlessness of terrorism. It has proven to all that possessing money and preaching cruelty is not enough for savagery to rule. It has shown the world that on the strict stance of righteousness you can beat any evil force. And by shooting down the air capability of Tamil Tigers they have proven the world that sanity prevails.
Yet the hype continues. MIA will sing Paper Planes for another decade, denying her subtle propaganda and indirectly providing morale jet fuel to the thousands of like sinister incest minds plotting the next big human catastrophe anywhere in the world. Tamil Tigers may not fly again, but the terrorists elsewhere might take up the baton.
But one thing remains assured. They are Paper Planes indeed and they burn very fast.
- Bharana Ganitha -
Tamil Tigers, also known as LTTE, have brought a number of evil elements to the world. Tamil Tigers are the first to coin the term of “Suicide Bomber”. They have obtained some naval capacity [of the size of fishing trawlers], submersibles and light planes. They introduced internationally organized Credit Card Theft. They have extended the cutting edge of global terrorism to a new height, creating human catastrophes in many parts of Sri Lanka.
And their approaches have been copied fondly by other terror groups, like in the case of countless suicide bombing in Iraq and Pakistan and ambush style terror attack in Mumbai. This time they were trying to set up another chapter in Terrorist’s Cook Book on Kamikaze.
World has reacted to these wings of Satan in different ways. Having publically denounced the evil motto, many people seem to be fond of its operational detail and secretly admire the fiasco. Singers have sung and ethnic migrants have boasted, but world is yet to know that they are adoring a two horned bastard who threatens tomorrow’s aerial safety as a whole.
Like law, diplomacy and religion, terrorist philosophies fly over the country borders. Different terror groups adapt ideologies of one another. Like fashion, terrorist maneuvers are copied. In a world where technology marvels, there is no guarantee that another terror movement will not adapt flying examples of Tamil Tigers of today. It can happen in any place where they have significant cover for the safety of the machines - not only in third world, but also in first world. It is correct that all big nations are protected with significant air defence systems. But it is rather unknown to many that no nation is fully protected from aerial threats. Low flying small planes can get away from many radar systems. Also they can play a drama of benign agenda until they reach the Kamikaze target. This is a threat that world has not yet felt. And they admire the first terrorists to fly.
Of the possibilities, bombing is the least, has anyone calculated what kind of catastrophe they can create by spraying malicious material such as toxic gases, germs or nuke-waste. Tamil Tigers may have plotted all these. Who knows, they might do it tomorrow. It is a paramount responsibility of world as a whole to defeat such movements as soon as possible, before they become a legend and example for other jungle prowling terror masterminds, who mean nothing but doom.
Back to the story – With the approaching city skyscrapers, the terror pilot raised the altitude. At this night hours, crashing into one of the business centers would not cause much damage other than the loss of the flying machine. They needed a better target - perhaps some military establishment, maybe the President’s house or maybe they were looking for a place of public gathering. Tamil Tigers measure triumph in civilian head count – a diminishing habit from even the most uncivilized tribal regions of the world today.
Before we move further on the events unfolded on that decisive night it is important to go through the hype and myth of the air capabilities of Tamil Tigers. Is it a great feat to possess air capability for a terrorist movement? Surely it is one of the first occasions, but given the world order of today, and the volatility on anti-terror policies and foresight in Sri Lankan politics, it is not a magic at all. Let the facts speak.
Tamil Tigers are the wealthiest terrorist movement in the world, ahead of Al Qaeda [funded by millionaire supreme leader Osama Bin Laden], Colombian terrorists [humble cocaine traders], Hisbullah [allegedly funded by oil-rich Arab communities] and Somalian gangs [who mastered sea piracy for million dollar ransom]. They all envy the thick pocket of Velupille Prabhakaran, the elusive leader of Tamil Tigers. Bagging an annual global hat collection of more than USD200 million - mostly extorted from the ethnic Tamil immigrants in west - Tamil Tigers have other unaccounted income sources such as drug selling, human trafficking and credit card theft. Analysts speculate a staggering sum of USD one billion of annual revenue which is comparative to a national GDP of a smaller third world nation. In a world where many millionaires can afford for private jets and helicopters, Tamil Tigers are humbled to possess light planes only. Technically speaking it is a Mafia organization of global scale.
Like Al Qaeda who obtained training to fly Jumbo Jets in US, Tamil Tigers have trained their pilots overseas, hiding within the immigrant community. Apart from the newly trained inexperienced pilots, they seem to have employed mercenaries on bombing.
With wealth, logistics and expertise, they have shown a path for the jubilant terror supporters. It is to fly over anyone’s head and bomb if they do not listen to your demands. And the hype and myth has turned into legend and bandwagon. Ethnic Tamil pop star Methangi Arulprasagam aka MIA sang “Paper Planes” at the time Tamil Tigers acquired the flying capability. Her seemingly innocent song may be a coincidence, but the terror past of her father [Mr Arul Prasagam - former leader known as Arular in Tamil Tiger ranks] and terror bandwagon of her public appearances are not. Even for the song itself, MIA features gunshots in back ground. Following rather interesting segments are extracted from original lyrics.
“Pirate skulls and bones Sticks and stones and weed and bombs Running when we hit 'em Lethal poison through their system”
“Some some some I some I murder Some I some I let go”
MIA is free to express her views. But too many coincidences spawn a whirlpool of speculations. For an example her deceptive voice tells “bombs” in original song which is mostly interpreted as “bongs” elsewhere. Having preserved the freedom of expression, what right do we deserve to promote terrorism at its lethal height of aerial capability? Things to ponder.
The plane lowered between the skyscrapers. Except for one or two stubborn parties, the entire city was in self-inflicted darkness. The Defence Forces were ready from the moment they detected the threat. Many guns were waiting, one plane to fly, they were attempting yet another impossibility.
Inevitable happened at once. It is not clear who took the target. It can be a naval gun ship, a ground AA gun, or a shooter on a high rising building. In a sudden flare of light, the invader vanished into pieces, mostly damaging a government office building. Explosion was rather gigantic. Nevertheless two innocent bystanders paid ultimate price of terrorism while nearly fifty others received injuries, leaving the sadistic Tamil Tiger supporters with something to be happy about.
Moments later another plane was found crashed into an abandoned field near the main airport of the country. Signs of it being hit by AA gunfire were apparent.
Some believe that it is the end of the Tiger air capability. But it is unknown how many hidden sinister planes Tamil Tigers possess. In addition, there is no assurance that they will not acquire any in future, even after being deprived of their territorial control. You can fly a plane from anywhere, be it a neighboring country or mere ocean. And most importantly there is no assurance that other such movements will not adapt the newest weapon on terrorist range. The era invented by Tamil Tigers assures no one - anywhere in the world - free sleep, without the scare of sky falling on you. It is the era of terrorist flying.
In the current phase of this war, Sri Lanka has lived its moments of truth - the valuable proof that it would not kneel in front of the ruthlessness of terrorism. It has proven to all that possessing money and preaching cruelty is not enough for savagery to rule. It has shown the world that on the strict stance of righteousness you can beat any evil force. And by shooting down the air capability of Tamil Tigers they have proven the world that sanity prevails.
Yet the hype continues. MIA will sing Paper Planes for another decade, denying her subtle propaganda and indirectly providing morale jet fuel to the thousands of like sinister incest minds plotting the next big human catastrophe anywhere in the world. Tamil Tigers may not fly again, but the terrorists elsewhere might take up the baton.
But one thing remains assured. They are Paper Planes indeed and they burn very fast.
- Bharana Ganitha -
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